We have heard how the Parliament of England sent Commissioners into Scotland, to call in the Scots unto its help, and to capitulate with them concerning their in-coming: We have heard also, how that Commissioners were sent from Scotland hither, to be at the drawing up of the Covenant betwixt the two Nations; who ever since have constantly assisted the Synod in the discussion of Church-affaires, more according to agreement betwixt the Nations : thereafter, there was other Commissioners sent hither to share with the Parliament in the managing of State-businesses of Peace and War, wherein now both Kingdoms are jointly ingaged. To this effect, the Houses of Parliament chuseth a certain number of Lords and Commons, to treat of all things concerning Peace and War jointly with the Scots, and so together they make up the Committee of both Kingdoms, wherein the Scots have a negative voice; and nothing is done, or at least ought to be done, without their knowledge and consent, concerning Peace or War, directly or indirectly, all play under boord, and clandestine dealing, being forbidden to both equally, upon the reason of the common interest of both.
      Those who had been adverse unto the in-coming of the Scots to help the Parl. were much against the setting up of this Committee; but at last, after some debate, the thing is done in spite of opposition: So the Committee is set afoot for a certain time of some few Moneths, by Ordinance of both Houses. The time prefixed for the sitting of the Committee is no sooner expired, but those same men, with the aid of others, whom they had stirred up to that purpose, cast in difficulties, and will by no means give consent for the continuance of this Committee : so for some dayes / p.52 / it is broken up; then earnest work there was to get it restablished again; but all to small purpose, till in the end, there is found one Clause in the ordinance for the setting it up at first, which did serve for the restablishing of it, maugre those who did oppose it. Since that time, it hath continued constantly to this day, although not without vexation to some, namely, because the Committee could not sit without the Scots being present.
      Now the Scots called and joined with the English to manage the affaires of the publike Service, for the Common Cause of Church and State; at first, they did think that they were to have nothing, or at least, little ado, but to put forward the publike Service with earnestnesse and vigour, against the Common Enemy, without any let here by any of their own party; and so, they resolve with themselves to be very modest and tender, with all warinesse in their proceedings with their Brethren of England, who had called them hither upon such assurance, and were so kinde unto them in their expressions, yea, so carefull of them, that they would have them to lodge neerer for their own convenience, and that of their Friends going to visit them; and so the Scots remove from the City, where they had lodged in former time, and are placed in Worcester-house, where nwo they lodge.
      Those who pretend to know more of the Mysteries of the World then other men, tell us, that the removing of the Scots from the City to Worcester-house, was not so much the convenience of the Scots, or of their Friends, which was intended, although so given out, as their weaning from their old Friends in the City, who formerly had been so usefull and so respective to them, by a cunning forcasting of some men, to wear them out [? or 'one'] of acquaint- / p.53 / ance and intimacie with the City, being afraid not to carry on things so easily, according to their intent, if the Scots were constantly intime and familiar with the City.
      Whatever the end of removing the Scots from the City was, it is fallen out so, that the Scots being at such a distance, have not been able to cherish and nourish their former intimacie and old Friendship with the City, as they are bound in gratitude carefully to do, and as the publike Service requireth, joint with their own advantage.
      Thereafter, the Scots finde a harder task then they had promised unto themselves in the beginning; for, besides the great and main work against the Common Enemy, they find some few men, here in the party whereunto they are joyned for the Service of the Common Cause of Religion and Liberty in all the three Kingdoms, who do not onely shew them but small favour; but also, as far as can be without open breach, crosse and oppose them, and, in them, the publike Service: First, those who from the beginning did not approve of their in-coming, for fear they should eclipse their lustre, and diminish their power, was cold and adverse to them.
      Next, some others of those who had most bestirred themselves, and most appeared in the calling in of the Scots to help, having done the work of their in-bringing, lay down a new ground for the reparing the breach of their own credit, which by the miscarriage of things, namely in the West, as we have said before, had been much diminushed, and by degrees make up their credit upon the decline of the others; whereunto their earnestnesse for the Scots did much serve, and the Scots intimacy with them, for many gave willingly way unto them, when they did see them so intime with the Scots, whom they knew to have / p.54 / no by-ends; and those men, on the other side, did endear themselves unto the Scots by sundry good offices for a time, which they did unto them in things concerning their Forces in England & Ireland, employed in the Common Service; and by their constant and frequent courting of the Scots, they did so take them up, that they alone, almost, were admitted to any privacy : then some did laugh in their sleeve, to see a few, not so considerable before, bear such a sway and the Scots, led thus by the nose; and other did complain, saying, Why should this be? It was expected, the Scots Commissioners should have been open and free to all honest men, namely to those of worth; yea, they ought to have been so for the good of the publike Service, and for their own credit, not captiving themselves as it were to some few ones. Further, it was said, that they should have pressed home businesses more stoutly and more freely then they did, as they had done in former times in their own particular affaires, when they had not so many professed and powerfull Friends, letting nothing passe of that was, clearly for the good of the publike.
      By this complying complaisance, the Scots Commissioners have given such advantage to those who for a time courted them most for their own ends, as it seems; for, if it had been altogether for the publike, the Scots remaining constant to their point and principles, although with lesse vigour, I confesse, then I could wish, those men had not changed, for ends, which when they had obtained, one after another, did withdraw from the Scots, and in a short time point-blank oppose them, by whose help, they chiefly had raised their hight of reputation and opinion among men.
      The first and main occasion of mistake betwixt / p.55 / those men and the Scots, was the Church-government. When the Scots did engage themselves in this Common businesses, they did stipulate with the English Commissioners, then in Scotland, that they should go heartily & freely along with them, in setling the Government and Discipline of the Church, as it was thereafter sworn to by both Kingdoms, in the national Covenant. And when the Scots Commissioners came hither, and entred into the Synod, they found it had sat long, and advanced but small businesses: as for the Government, they had not touched it at all, which in all appearance was kept off by a slight of Prelatists and Sectaries, to stop the setling of the Church according to the best way, expressed thereafter in the Covenant.
      The Scots seeing the losse of time, and the evils which were likely to follow, if there were no set Government in the Church; presently moveth the Synod tofall to the Discipline and Government; which they do, and therein a great deal of pains is taken in setting out the Truth, and refuting the errors of ignorants, and oppositions of head-strong wilfull men, who prefer the setting up of their own Chymerick fancies, and Utopian dreams, to the Peace of the Church; wherefore I may justly say, whatsoever gifts or endowments they have, whether of preaching or of praying, of languages, or sciences, since they want charity, they have nothing; for, if they had the least grain of charity, they would not thus disturb the Church.
      I adde, He that sacrificeth the peace of the Church to the Idol of his own Imagination, is as he who causeth his children passe through the fire to Moloch.
      After much strugling, things being brought neer a conclusion, some of those upon whose Friendship / p.56 / the Scots had till then so much relyed, did declare themselves to be altogether adverse to the Government the Scots were so desirous of: whereat, the Scots were much astonished: First, because the assurances given by those men unto them, in the beginning of their engagement, for furthering the Church-government intended; next, by reason of the Covenant, whereby the Scots conceive us all to be bound unto the government of the Church according the Word of God, and the best Reformed Church abroad, and namely to the government of the Church of Scotland.
      Ever since that day to this day, those men having withdrawn their temporary affection from the Scots, have opposed their counsels, and crossed their proceedings, in every thing wherein they are concerned, as far as in them lieth : And this they do not onely themselves, but, draw others for humane respects, to side with them in so doing. Yea, some there be of this phantasticall opinion in this Kingdom, who stick not to say, that they will rather choose to joyn with Popery, Prelacy, and with whatsoever blasphemy, or heresie, then to submit to the government of the Church by Presbyterie: such is the phrenesie of those mad men.
      As those men we spoke of a little above, were, in what they could, against the in-bringing of the Scots, and thereafter did oppose the setting afoot and the continuance of the Committee of both Kingdoms; so those second men, of late, have grumbled, yea to some of them words have escaped, that it was a trouble for the Committee to have the Scots adjoints: Yea, it seems there was a designe to do busines without the Scots, and that of great moment, wherein the both Nations are concerned, as may appear, namely, by naming and assembling of a sub-Com- / p.57 / mittee without knowledge of the Scots: Wherewith the Scots acquainted the Houses by their papers, given in by them about the midle of May last. Further, the secret intelligence for the surprising and taking of Oxford, (at an easie place) then unfurnished with provisions, given by one Parric Naper, to a Sub-Committee of three, whereof, there was one of them a Scot, is neglected: notwithstanding the Scots did presse it much, that the thing should be tryed; they could not prevaile: The excuse was, that till the Army, then a moulding, was in a perfect frame, they would undertake nothing. More, the Enemy is acquainted with the secret advice of the enterprise, and that particularly, who before had not taken notice of the weaknesse of the place named by the advice; which the Enemy finding to be true, repaires and strengthens.
      All this then, is known to be true by intercepted Letters, which have not been communicated to the Scots Commissioners, notwithstanding the Common Interest. I am much mistaken, if it was the Scot who discovered the advice to the Enemy: Be it who will, let him lay his hand to his heart, and giving glory to God, confesse his own wickednesse; for at last, it will be discovered to his shame, I am perswaded.
      When the Army was moulded, according to the mind of some few men, then Oxford must be besieged, and the Enemy suffered to run up and down, increase his Forces, and spoile the Countrey, yea, to bring all to a great hazard. Yet the new Army must lie before Oxford, wherein there was not the men by third part requisite to such a Siege; far lesse to take in the Town: Yea, those men who were there, were not furnished with materials for the the [lit.] Siege. But, many think there was no intention to take the / p.58 / Town by open Siege, by those who were contrivers of the designe, since they neglect to trye if it could be done by surprise & secret enterprise: All this while, the chief Commander was most ready to act his part faithfully and gallantly, as he hath done happily since.
      From this Siege, the Scots not onely do openly dissent, but also, did protest against it: Yet, when the thing was cried out upon, not only at home, but abroad, by Forrainers, who said, That the Enemy was devouring the Flesh, while the Parliaments Forces were gnawing the Bone, & they did not stick to say, that fair dealing was not every where. More, the party of Horses which were ordained to follow the Enemy, was recalled back, against the advice of the Scots; who having acquainted the Houses of Parliament with those passages, should have made known to the whole World, that after their own constant integrity, & simple sincerity, more and more made known to all, in these things, and the faults of others sifted out, and they not bearing the blame of other mens errors, the Service of the publike might go the better on.
      Further, it was given out, that the Scots not coming South-ward, was the occasion of all these disorders committed by the Enemy.
      But, let reason judge, whether or not, it was easier for an Army, provided with all things for the Field and marching, within very few miles of the Enemy, to follow him, disturbe him, and stop him from increasing his Forces, and doing Evil, then to an Army above two hundred miles distant, who notwithstanding their willingnesse and readinesse to march, according to their calling South-ward, could get neither draughts, nor absolutely necessary provisions for a march, in such a proportion as was thought very reasonable.
      The truth of this may appear, what troubles Ge- / p.59 / nerall Lesley found at Rippon, to get provisions and draughts, and how he went to York to that effect, but to very small purpose.
      Let things be tryed, and no longer thus carried in hugger-mugger, to the prejudice of the publike Service.
      We have heard, how that, and upon what occasion, some of those, who had been so intimate with the Scots Commissioners, leave them, neglect them, and oppose them in their proceedings, so far as they can in a smooth-way above board, to say nothing of what is done under-hand.
      So in this place, you shall take notice, how that, on the other side, there be divers of those, who formerly had cared so little for the Scots, that they neither favoured their in-coming, nor thereafter had assisted them so willingly, in their honest & faithful endeavour for the advancement of the publike Service; now, at last, bethinking themselves of their own error, and how that, without reason, they had been jealous of the Scots, they begin to go along with them more freely and earnestly in the publike Work, then they had done heretofore; which the Scots, minding mainly the furthering of the Service of the Common Cause, take kindly at their hands, and welcome the expressions of their good affection to the Service, with respective civilitie; wishing from their heart, that those who are now withdrawn from them, would return unto their wonted correspondence, in sincere and brotherly unanimity, for carrying on the heavy and tedious Work, now lying upon them all.
      Upon this, there is great murmuring against the Scots, that they had quite left off honest and well-affected men, and taken semi-Malignants by the hand, who not onely had been slack and backward in the pursuance of the publike Service; but, adverse unto them- / p.60 / selves in particular. To all this, the Scots do declare truely, that as when they came hither at first, they took no interest in any man more then they judged him, in all appearance, to interest himself heartily, without by-ends, in the Common Cause; and, as yet, they do the same, resolved to continue so unto the end, constant to their first principles: and, if any men have withdrawn themselves from them, not willing to go constantly along with them in this necessary course, they are sorry for those, of whose constancy they were in a kind assured: and they declare to the World, that they neither gave, nor intend to give any just distaste in their particular to any. But, if men will snuff, because they are not humeured in all things, who can help it? The Scots did think, at their coming in, to have nothing a do with children and women, who must be humeured; but, with set and staid rationall men, without any by-respects, or private Fancies, wholly constants to the Cause both of Church and State, as we are all sworn by the Solemn Oath of the Nationall Covenant: As for those, who having cast off their former mistakes, now go along with them more earnestly then formerly in the businesses, they cannot but welcome them, as all those, who put to their helping-hand heartily in the least kinde to the great Work of God, and of his people; howsoever their carriage have been towards their persons, for the publike (they having no spleen nor grudge at any) forget whatsoever hath been amisse towards them, praying God to forgive, that his Work may be carried on more cheerfully and unanimously, and they are likewise disposed and enclined towards those (who have left them off) to go along with them, so freely and so brotherly as at the first; & they will imbrace them cheerfully, in carrying on the businesses of Church & State with them. This they / p.61 / declare not to captive men by cunning insinuation, as factious ones do; but to invite all men fairly to go on with the Work of Church and State, according to the Covenant, as they hope a blessing from Heaven, if they be zealous and faithfull, without equivocation; and may expect judgement, if they either faint or be not sincere. Of this enough for this time.
      Yet, there is one thing I cannot passe, and it is this: There be hardly any divisions among these of this side, of which the blame is not laid upon the Scots; as if they had not had their jealousies one of another, and grudges one against another, by reason of particular interest and private opinion, before the Scots did join with them; when it is well known, that the Scots assistance, faithfull in the Counsell, and active in the Field, is not onely usefull and necessary for the opposing and repressing of the Common Enemy; but also, for keeping together those, who otherwayes in a likelyhood, would fall asunder, and so the publike Service suffer, at which the Enemy aimes.
      Then I adde, that the Enemy, howsoever low he seems to be at this instant, desires to have no better Game, then that the Scots would retire and withdraw their helping hand from the Service; for he that of nothing made a party so great as to carry all before it, till he was repressed by the Scots, would raise up his party again. But, in despite of the devil, and all opposition, whether clandestin or open; the Scots will stand firm and faithfull, for the carrying on of the Work of God, and of his people.
      After a certain time, the States of both Kingdoms, resolved to try yet again if they could reclaime and recall, upon any reasonable terms, the abused and misled Prince, from his evil courses of undoing the people and himself, cause draw up certain Proposi- / p.62 / tions by Common Counsell of both Nations, which they send by Commissioners of both States, to the King; in whom they find nothing but shifts and delays: So they return without effectuating any thing.
      A while thereafter, the infortunate Prince intending to make the simpler sort beleeve, that he was desirons, at last, of a reall agreement, sends hither Commissioners (of whose honest meaning, the people did least doubt; but in the end, they were found to be cajeolors) to draw things towards a Treaty, unto which the Scots declared themselves to be inclined, (the main businesses of Church and State being secured) as willing to try all means possible, upon all occasion, to take up the differences in a fair way, to save further effusion of Christian and Brothers blood, and further ruine of those Countreys.
      For this, the Scots are cried out upon ,as evil men, (by inconsiderate persons, set on by Malignants) notwithstanding the Treaty goe's on, but to small purpose; the Kings Commissioners feeling the pulse of the Parliaments Commissioners, did promise unto themselves, upon what ground they know best, or at least should know, that they could carry all things to their mind, if it were not for the rude and stiffe-necked Scots, who were so firm to their principles, and resolved rather to follow on the Work with honour and conscience, although with hazard and danger, then to yeeld to a base agreement, to the prejudice of Church and State.
      Upon this, the Court-Commissioners cry out against the Scots, as the onely hinderers of their ends and the stoppers of their designes, first at home in their own Countrey, next here, both in the Fields and in the Counsell.
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      By this, you may see, if there were no other instance, with whom and against whom the Scots have ado: what was the carriage of the Scots Commissioners, in the Treaty of both Church and States affaires; let both parties freely tell, if they did find in the least point of honesty, faithfulnesse, resolution, prudence, knowledge, or respect amissing in them.
      But, the Treaty ends, without any conclusion for good, nothing being intended by the Court in it, but to gaine time, & more & more to abuse the people, and so make the best advantage of businesses.
      Things having been carried in the Field, almost ever since the beginning of these Wars, namely the last Summer, not so well as they might have been, for the advancement of the publike Service, by the fault of some of those who were employed in the said Service; whether it was want of skill, want of care, or want of sincerity and uprightnesse, in pursuance of the businesse, I will not in this place enquire, lesse will I resolve; but, a fault there was, and that a great one, and much amisse.
      Wherefore, the Parliament, upon just reason, having tryed divers times to amend the errors of the Armies, and correct what was wrong in them in a fair and smooth way, but all to small purpose; takes resolution to reform wholly the Armies, and cast them in a new mould.
      Whereof the Scots Commissioners hearing, for their interest in the Common Cause, think fit for them to remember the Parliament of two things principally upon the point; whereof the first was, That in the new mould wherein the Armies were to be cast, care should be taken to make choice of men of experience and ability, so far as was possible, to do the better the duties of the Service; for although now and then men ignorant of what they undertake, made do / p. 64 / perchance a thing well; yet it stands that it should be so, not with reason, which must rule all actions.
      The next was, that diligent care should be taken, for admitting none to employment in the Armies, but such as were trusty and faithfull to the Cause now in hand, as it is expressed in the Nationall Covenant : wherefore, it was desired, that every one employed, in testimony of his honesty and faithfulnesse to the Cause, should take the Covenant publikely.
      The Scots took occasion to give these advices to the Parliament, upon information given them, first, that divers new men, and of little or no experience, were preferred by indirect means, and were to be employed in places of command, for by ends: then, that there were divers likewise named for preferment and employment, who not onely were suspect to be enclining to Schismes and Sects; but also, professed Enemies to what is expressed in the Nationall Covenant concerning the Church, and consequently, to the Common Cause we are all sworn to.
      These advices of the Scots, although they were not so much regarded as was needfull, yet they did produce this effect, that divers men of known worth and experience, were named to be kept in the new mould, although many were put out, and new men unknown for Military vertue put in their places.
      Next, after a great debate in the Houses, it is ordained that all the Commanders should take the Covenant, under pain of cashiering, betwixt such and such a day: But how this Order is observed, I know not, I doubt it is not so well as it should be: As for the common Souldiers, it was not to be pressed upon them, which makes men admire, not well knowing the reason of things, how that the prisoners Souldiers taken of the Enemy should have the Oath sendred unto them, in token of their embracing the / p.65 / Parliaments party and cause, and these Souldiers of the Parliaments own side, are not to be tyed to the Oath of the Nationall Covenant: Further, all men suspected to favour the advers party, brought before the Committees, namely of examination, have the Oath put to them, which if they refuse, they are censed Malignants, yet the Parliaments Souldiers are to be free from the Oath, if they please. Yea, many were astonished to hear that it was debated in the Houses, whether those of the Armies should be put to the oath of the solemn League, or no, whereunto the Houses themselves are sworn to, and for the maintenance of which, we all now stand, or at least we ought to stand, being sworn to it by so lawfull and necessary an Oath.
      The reason why some men are backward to take the Oath, is that they are advers to the Government of the Church by Presbytery, which the Parliament is now setling, although the businesse do not go on so quickly as by many is wished, by reason of so many rubs cast in by severall forts of men, partly through ignorance, partly in opposition to the thing, for reasons far other then those they hitherto have given out, howsoever specious. At this occasion, it was spoken publikely by one who is a prime man among those who are avers from the Government above-named of the Church, that, although in his judgement, (for so now adayes is opinion named) he did not approve Presbyteriall-government in the Church, yet he, at all times, would submit to whatsoever Church-government the Parliament should settle, either by passive or active obedience.
      To this is answered; Whosoever sayeth that he will obey an Order or Law by passive obedience, is already actively in disobedience. Further, to call obedience passive, is as great an absurditie, as to call black, white; for obedience is nothing at all but the act / p.66 / of obeying, and to call an act passive, is absurd, action and passion being more different then black and white, for they are Toto genere, distant; and black and white are under Unum genus, not onely Summum of quality, but also subaltern of colour.
      Further, all vertue consists in action; so obedience being a vertue, cannot be said to be passive, that is, in passion. Wherefore, he who first did invent the expression of passive obedience, did not weigh what he said, no more then those who since, not considering the exact distinction of things, have taken it up at the second hand, and have made so generally use of it. He who thinks, that by his passion, he giveth obedience unto the Law, is mightily mistaken; for, suffering, or passion, is laid upon a man for his not obeying, and to make him obey. Example: A man for debt is put in prison; the emprisonment which the debtor suffers is not obedience to the Law, but a means employed to bring him unto the obedience thereof, that i [lit.], unto the paying of the debt. I know, Divines speak much of the passive obedience of Christ; but this is of another condition, and so it belongs to another place. Besides, he who offers unto the Houses his passive obedience, endeavours what he can, and pleads earnestly to be free from it, as we have seen published by writing. Then also, it was said publikely by one, that the main quarell the Parliament stood for at first, and thereafter did take up Arms for, was not for Religion (which is as much to say, the main different betwixt the Parliament and the corrupt Court-Papists, Prelatists, Atheists, and divers other instruments of errour and iniquity, who having sworn inimity to the Truth and goodnesse, opposeth it with all their cunning and power) nor the Reformation of the Church; but, the freedom and Liberty of the Subject.
      Which saying is injurious, in my mind; for to / p.67 / aver or publish, that the Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true Reformation of Religion, is a great wrong done to the Wisdom of the Parliaments for how can the Parliament be said or thought to be wise in God, without it hath his tear before its eyes ? and how can the Parliament be said to have the fear of God before its eyes, if it hath no care of the establishing the Truth of Religion, and to represse the errours I cannot conceive; for without the true Worship of God, there can be no true fear of him: Then, it is most false; for, from the first beginning, did not the Parliament expresse, that it namely intended a true Reformation, by divers instances, namely by their first Declaration, although now and then it hath been at a stand how to go through with it, by reason of the lets [?] that the Enemies of the Truth have cast in, and cast still in to this day, by open opposition and clandestine underminning? witnesse the pulling down of the high Commission-Court, the curbing of the Prelats tyranny, the making faithfull silenced Ministers freely preach; and so soon as the occasion offers itself, is it not embraced, to throw the Prelats out of the Church, as Enemies to the Truth of God? Then the calling of the Synod: which things, with divers more, the Parliam. had never done, if it had not intended mainly the Reformation of the Church and of Religion.
      I must confesse, the businesses in the Synod did go on but very remisly, before the Scots joyning, by the Nationall Covenant, with the Parliament, who hath since pressed it somewhat more home; and yet it goe's on but very slowly, not so much by the open opposition of the professed Enemy, as by the crafty insinuations of some phantasticall and factious men, who having endeared themselves by some expression of good offices to the people, have buzzed some in authority in the ear [?], they must not / p.68 /anger them for fear of losing so many good Friends, who give themselves out to be in great number, although if things were tryed, it should be found that their number in City and Countrey, in the Field and in the Counsell, is far short of what is said of it, and their affection to the publike lesse; for, wise men will never beleeve, that those who are for confusion in the Church, are for the setled ordering of the State.
      Further, if the Parliament did not make Religion at first its main quarell it stood for, and took Arms for, I pray you then, when did the Parliament begin to make the Reformation of the Church its main quarell? At the joyning with the Scots by the Nationall Covenant, perhaps you will say, If so be, when England hath a setled Reformation of the Church, according to the Word of God, the practice of the first ages, and of the best Reformed Churches now adayes, it may thank their poor Friends distressed at this time for their sake, and neglected by divers.
      I am assured, he that sayeth that the Parliament did not intend mainly Reformation from the beginning, careth but little for it himself. Next, he makes the main quarell of the Parliament to be the freedom and Liberty of the Subject: If under the notion of freedom and Liberty, were understood first a free & libre profession of the Truth in a setled Reformed Church, as aforesaid, it were well; and in the second place, the honest freedom and just Liberty in temporary things; such is the freedom that the truely reformed Churches abroad have constantly fought for to this day, who when they obtain the first, they stand not so much upon the second. But, let us see a little what can be the meaning of the freedom and Liberty of the Subject, without Religion: Is it to be free from the vexation of Monopolies, Projects, Ship-moneys, &c. and of some exorbitant courses of Judicatory, as of that of the Star-Chamber?
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      If in those alone, and in no other thing better and more, I beseech you, what benefit hath the Subject by being freed from the Court of the Star-Chamber? The people say, that some Committees of one City or County, doth more wrong in one yeer to the City or County, then the Starchamber-Court did to the whole Kingdom in seven yeers, if all things be well considered; for it did reach but one man here and there; but some Committees vex many and many a man. It is true, the wounds of the Star-chamber were very sore and deep, but they were not so frequent, and now and then they were mollified by some moderation; which divers Committees will not admit.
      As for the freedom from Ship-money, Monopolies, Projects, &c. Vox populi sayeth there be more taxes and contributions laid upon the people in one yeer, now adayes, then for many yeers in Ship-money, &c. Yea, which is the worst, this burden must continue, God knows how long, besides the way of levying it by the inferior Officers, which makes the taxes more grievous; and the best affected men, for the most part, are most loaden; such is the cry and complaint of the people through the City and Countrey.
      So, if the Subject had not the gain of a Reformed setled Church and Religion, he were in a worse case then formerly. next, there is found but very little more just and honest Liberty for the Subject, then before; onely the Sectaries take greater licence then they were wont to do, and phantasticall men, to vent their idle imaginations, and to abuse the simpler ones; as likewise scurrilous fellows take upon them to say and write what they list against truth and goodnesse.
      All which is a meer licentiousnesse and libertinage tending to the trouble of the people, and not to their good, so far is it from the Liberty of honest and discret / p.70 / men, who desireth and ought to live, within the borns of good and wholsome constitutions both of Church and State. What is said here of taxes, is not to blame them, for it is known there must be tribute levied for the supporting of the burdens of the Common-Wealth, namely and most, in time of War, for its good and benefit; but, to make known the abuse, that it may be amended.
      At the beginning of these Wars here in England, betwixt the King and Parliament, both parties did draw unto them so many of the Scots Officers as they could conveniently; neither of them having then in their own opinion such Commanders, or, at least, in such number as to make their Armies compleat to their mind, of their own men.
      So the Scots were employed in chief and prime places of command, on both sides: hence divers men indifferent, not as yet engaged by affection to either party, conceiving that neither party could have known how to manage, or go on with the War, without the Scots Commanders, wished those Scots many miles beyond Sea.
      To the King went and took Service of him, not onely divers who had been Malignants from the first beginning; but also, some superficiall Covenanters, who not diving in bussnesses, did make small, scrupale to serve the King in this War, it not being against the Letter of their Covenant, as they conceived; for, the King protesting from day to day, that he would stand firm to the true Religion, and maintain it, his intention in taking up Arms, being only to represse some factious persons who had affronted him: and the Parliament not then making it so clear to every one, by their expressions, that the main quarell the adversary had, was the subversion of Religion, made some not to discern things so clearly / p.71 / as otherwayes they had done, if things had been more plainly set down.
      To the Service of the Parliament, come divers of good affection, being perswaded that the quarell of England, was one and the same with that in Scotland, howsoever by the cunning of the adversary disguised, and although not then so cleared by the Parliament as was need.
      The Enemy seeing that sundry Scots Officers and Commanders were undertaking Service under the Parliament, by his Emissaries up and down, doth what he can to draw them on his side, or, at least, to make them keep off from serving the Parliament. In this, he did prevaile with some, who will have their just reward in due time.
      Then, after the War began, and some Field-actions being done, the Enemy perceiving how that divers Scots Officers had carried themselves gallantly, in the Service of the Parliament, returns again to his former courses, and dealeth by his Instruments and Agents here, to corrupt and debauche those men of Command, upon whom the eyes of many were; the Agents of the Enemy go craftily to work, to compasse their ends upon those men; for, first, by cunning insinuations, they enter in privacy with them; Next, they make them fair promises, with specious words of the Kings good intentions towards the publike good of both Church and State, and of the particular esteem he had of their worth and deserts: Then those good Agents for the Enemy, underhand, cause give distaste to the Scots Officers, by neglecting of them, and otherwayes, yea, by some Boutefeux there were of them quarelled in Westminster-Hall, with reproach that they took the Meat out of the English mouths, who could manage and pursue the War as well, at least, as they.
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      If this quarell had not been timely taken up, by the Wisdom of the Parliament, it had grown to a great hight, according to the designe and desire of the Enemy.
      This crafty dealing of the adversary by his Agents, did prevaile so far, that some of the Scots Officers, not so touched with the interest of the good Cause as they ought to have been, nor as they outwardly professed, left off the Service of the Parliament for a time, upon I know not what foolish excuse; and thereafter, upon a change, fell to the Work again. Next, there were other so far perswaded, as to lay down their Commissions, and go to the Enemy and serve him for a while; and thereafter leaving him, returned hither again.
      The Scots Officers with the Enemy, were in high esteem, and in good respect among those they did serve, till the State of Scotland joyned with the Parliament of England, in action for the Common Cause; from thence, by little and little, the Scots with the Enemy became so to be neglected and ill thought of, that there were many of them constrained to go away, and others have been taken and killed by this side, so that, for the present, there be very few, at least of any note, with the Enemy.
      On this side likewise, the Scots Officers, notwithstanding the State of Scotland was not interessed and joyned with the Parliament, by degrees came to be little regarded, neglected, and divers of them laid aside, after that sundry of them had lost their lives, fighting valiantly for the Cause, others had lost their blood, and others suffered imprisonment; at last, at the making up of the new Modell, were cashiered of the Scots, in one day, above two hundred of them, brave fellows, who constantly had carried themselves with honesty and gallantry, without giving them any satisfaction, or at least, very little, for what / p.73 / is justly due unto them, and cost some of them very dear: The reason given out against them, was, That not being such Professors of holinesse as was required, it was to be feared they would not be so earnest and so forward, as was needufll, in this new Frame.
      Then, those cashiered Scots Commanders having danced attendance a long time, to small purpose, in pursuance of their just demands, constant to their grounds, although they were thus harshly used; they would not abandon the Service of the Common Cause: so, they resolve to go to the Forces of their Countrey-men, and serve with them in the same Cause; and send some of them, accompanied with a number of good fellows, before, towards the Scots Army, till the rest were ready.
      Those Scots who went away first towards their Countrey-men, being upon their journey, they chanced to be at and neer Leicester, when the Enemy made his approaches to that place. The Scots, in meer kindnesse and love to those who were engaged with them in the Common Cause, without any Commission from the Parliament, or from the Scots Generall, stay and help their Friends: and how manfull their carriage was, in the assistance of their Brethren, is so known, that it will never be forgotten, when there is any mention of Leicester-businesse. In generall, I will say this of them; That, if they had been seconded, the Town of Leicester had not been taken by the Enemy; but, having expected assistance from those whom they came to help, after divers had prodagalized their blood (some were killed & some taken) with the losse of their Liberty and of all they had, they were constrained to yeeld to force, not without being admired by the vainquours for their valour. Thereafter, those that were taken prisoners, finding their opportunity, lay hold on it at the first, and they / p.74 / carry the businesse so, that they not onely gaine their own freedom, but make themselves Masters of those in whose hands they were.
      If those things had been done by some other men, all the Pamphlets about the City of London, should have been full of them.
      In this businesse, albeit the Scots did expresse their kindnesse really to their Friends, and made known their valour to all: Yet, here, I must tell you, they did not shew their prudence; for, if the Enemy had known them to have no Commission, (as they had none) by Law of Arms, he had given them no quarter.
      On the one side, the ignorance of the Enemy did hinder him to deal with the Scots, being in his power, according to the rigour of the Law of Arms; On the other side, their valour and kindnesse, did prevaile little for thanks or recompense from those, for whose Service they had undergone such hazard.
      At the framing of the new Modell, were cashiered many, yea almost all the Scots Officers, as we have been speaking; yet, were named four Generall Officers of the Scots to be kept in the new Army; which some did for the good opinion they had of the worth and usefulnesse of those men, for the Service: Others did it, lest the people should enquire, why so many Scots, at one time, should be thus put out of Service, whose faithfulnesse and forwardnesse was known, being free of the guilt of the late miscarriage of things in the Fields.
      Those few Officers, although they were named to be kept in the new Modell; they did conceive, that they had tacitely their Quierus est, first, by cashiering their Countrey-men, who were known to be well deserving and faithfull men unto the Covenant, (which is the Rule of that we fight for) and / p.75 / by naming them to inferior employments in this new Modell, then to what they had come to be preferred to by their own vertue. Next, by bringing in new men, not acquainted with War, in equall command with them, and under them, and some of those professed not to favour the Covenant, unto which the Scots were resolved to stick to: So, they thought fit to take the course of their other Countrey-men, and to lay down their Commissions, for fear of further inconvenience, namely, if any mischance should fall out, apprehending the blame should be cast upon them; and then, they could hardly expect true fellowship or obedience to orders, in the Service, of those in that Army who had another mind then they, concerning the businesses, as it is expressed in the Covenant. The disobedience thereafter of some, in the new Modell, to the expresse Ordinances of Parliament, made this apprehension good.
      Upon this, there is a great cry given out against those few Scots, as if they had abandonned the Service at such a time of need; but never a word how that two hundred Scots had been put of the Service.
      Here, it may be asked, Whether those few Scots were more in the wrong to the publike Service, by laying down their Commissions, serving still the same Cause, with those who are constant to their principles with them; then those who put off the Service, at one time, two hundred valiant and well deserving men.
      I could have wished, for my part, & have said it often, that those few men had laid aside all consideration and apprehension, howsoever just, and continued in the Modell, leaving the event of things to God.
      Now, it is said, that God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinaly, in the new Army, so that great things are done by it.
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      I acknowledge with a thankfull heart to God, that he, in his Mercy, hath done great things of late by that Army; but, no thanks to the profession of holinesse of this or that man, profession being often a cloke for interest and faction: Under God, we must not forget thanks to the valiant and prosperous Generall, who is acknowledged by all to be truely honest and faithfull to the Covenant, and little spoken of.
      Then, howsoever God, in his good Providence, doth great things by weak and inconsiderable men; yet, I am certain, it is the surest way to employ men of skill and of experience, in any work we are going about; and surely, we cannot look for a good successe of any businesse whatsoever, when we neglect to employ those whom God hath fitted with ability for the work, if we can have such.
      I know, God is above all rule; but, this is the ordinary course, both with God and among men; the examples are so clear in all businesses among the Sons of men, that it is idle to alleadge any; onely I shall say, that there is more of this choice of fit men to be remarked in the War, then in any other thing among men, as it hath been observed of old, by judicious men: Yet God, in War, more then in any thing else, sheweth his over-ruling power, and that he is above the ordinary course of things. But, to put God to shew here his over-ruling hand, in a extraordinary way, without need, is a kinde of tempting of him; for, since he hath, in his wise Dispensation, ordained an ordinary course for doing of businesses, to be used by men fitted by him for the work, he promised tacitely his blessing thereunto, providing alwayes that we rely onely upon him, and not upon the second causes.
      More, in all this successe there was never more seen of God, and lesse of men; and those men who would / p.77 / make men beleeve, that they are the doers of all: if things were neerly tryed, will be found to be far short in their share of the action, howsoever they be deep in praise.
      A word more: It was not without a mystery, that so many gallant Officers of both Nations, were cashiered under pretext of want of piety and honesty, being free of any guilt of the former miscarriages; and yet the ordinary Souldiers kept still in the Service, whose piety is known to be lesse, as men of little and small breeding, and so, of lesse knowledge of God and of themselves, and consequently, not so given to the practice of goodnesse, and so abstract from evil; haveing but small light, they cannot do so well as others, who have better breeding then they; and, upon mistake, they may more easily be brought over to do what is amisse, for themselves and for others, yea, for the publike Service of Church and State, and so become a prey to abusers and deceivers.
      Moreover, there is a great stir about Carlile, now in the hands of the Scots, for the Service of the Parliament. For the better understanding of things, we shall take them at a further rise.
      So long as these two Kingdoms were under two severall Princes, Carlile and Berwick were two Garrison-Towns upon the Frontiers; but so soon as these Kingdoms did come unto one Princes hands, those places were ordered to be forsaken, and their fortifications rased, and to be no more a partition wall; which was done accordingly, and so they remained for many yeers, till of late, that is, till the beginning of the first troubles of the Scots with the abused King, who caused then repair those places in some kinde, and put Garisons in them.
      Thereafter, at the first pacification upon the Frontiers, betwixt the King and the Scots, those / p.78 / places were to be relinquished, as they had been formerly.
      By the Articles of agreement, at the second pacification, the same was confirmed, and that by the Authority of this same Parliament, now sitting, gathered together, continued and preserved by the help and aid of the Scots, as the most envious must confesse.
      The King, beginning his barbarous War against the Parliament, makes Carlile sure, which by degrees insensibly he furnisheth with a strong Garison and Munition accordingly, as a place fit for his purpose, for vexing of the Scots, upon occasion, whom he did foresee would not side with him in this wicked designe, if they were not opposite unto him; and for receiving his Irish Rebels, to do mischief to both Kingdoms as they pleased, if they were not stopped. And so, since then, he hath kept it, till within these few dayes; and it hath served for a seat and a passage so troubling both Kingdoms.
      The Houses of Parliament, on the other side, a little latter, possesse themselves of Berwick, which the King did not regard so much, as not so considerable for his purpose, and also, it was too much in the eyes of men to be seised upon, by him, at the first beginning.
      When the Scots come into England, at this time, to help their Brethren, who had been so kinde unto them in their troubles, and whose Fathers had assisted their Fathers, in the Cause of Reformation and Liberty; by agreement betwixt the Parliament and them, they had Berwick delivered up unto them, for facilitating their entrie, and advancing the Service they engaged themselves in: and if Carlile had been in the power of the Parliament then, it had been delivered unto the Scots, without any more ado, as freely as Berwick was, for the very same reason. Yea, more, if it / p. 79 / had been required then, it had been promised unto the Scots: I do not mean of necessity, but of meer consideration to the publike Service.
      Now, the Northern Countrey of England, through Gods Mercy, being pretty well cleared, by the help of the Scots, of the open professed and declared Common Enemy; it is thought fit, first to lock up, and then to besiege Carlile: The Scots undertake the businesse, and to this purpose, sent of their Army thither a party of both Horse and Foot, under the command of a Generall Officer, and he hath some Forces of the Countrey to assist and help him, in the performance of the Service; which the Scots did not so hardly presse as to storm the Town, for sparing of blood, which they are loth to shed, if the businesse can be carried on otherwayes, (witnesse New castle, where they shunned to shed blood, and being constrained to it, they did shed as little blood as ever hath been seen upon such an occasion) so they resolve to take the Town by want of necessary provision.
      Some of those of the Countrey, who were joynt with the Scots in the Service, were so far from helping them, that, by the treachery of their Leaders, they did what they could not onely to hinder the businesse; but also, to wrong the Scots in what was in their power; for, when they were ordered to keep their own quarters strictly, and suffer nothing to go unto the Enemy; and if he sallied out of the Town, to fall upon him: they were so far from performing their Order, that when it was in their power to hurt the Enemy, they shot powder without bullets at him, and privately, they suffered provision to be carried unto him through their quarters; yea, by secret combination, they agreed with the Enemy, that if he would sally out, and fall upon the Scots / p.80 / quarters, they should yeeld no help unto them, although they were joint with them in the Service.
      Which proceedings of some of the North Countreymen, by the knavery of some of the Commanders, whereof the chief lately had been in open Rebellion against the Parliament, under the Earl of New-castle; being made known unto the Scots, they had a neerer eye to their actions, and obliged them thereafter to play fairer play: Those double-minded Leaders, seeing themselves disappointed of their former intents by the care of the Scots, go another way to work; and perceiving by the vigilance of the Scots, that the Town, receiving no help from without, must render itself; underhand, and not acquainting the Scots, enter in a private Treaty with the Enemy, and offer him great conditions.
      This being also discovered by the Scots, caused them summon the Town, and offer to it reasonable conditions, which the Enemy did accept, although they were not so advantagious for him, in all points, as those offered by the others.
      The reason why the Enemy did accept the Scots conditions, and not the others, was, first, He could not trust to any condition from those who were so wicked, that they were not trusty to the party they professed themselves to be of, and to their associates.
      Next, The Enemy seeing the chief man, among those double ones, to be but an inferior Officer, and one who never had seen greater War then the plundering and spoiling of his own Countrey, under the Earl of New-castle, with whom he had been a Lieutenant-Colonel, at the most, and now at this time preferred, for some ends, to be a Colonel. Then, there was no Committee there, who could authorize him to capitulate, or make good his capitulation, / p.81 / where the Scots were; for, by agreement betwixt the Scots and the Parliament, things of consequence in the War, wherein the Scots had a hand, were to be ordered by the Committee of both Kingdoms upon the place, or residing with the Scots Army, and that not being, (as there was none them) by the Scots Generall his Order; and so he ordained, according to the first agreement, Lieutenant Generall David Lesley to take in the Town, upon such conditions as he should think fit for the good of the publike Service, and put a Garison in it.
      Those who came out of the Town, were conducted unto Worcester, who were but six score when they arrived thither, the rest being fallen away in their march, either upon consideration of the publike, or of their own private interest.
      Thus Carlile is put in obedience of the Parliament, for the publike Service, according to the first agreement: And if the Scots had not followed the businesse, in all appearance, it either had still remained in the hands of open Enemies, or, at least, had fallen in the hands of those Malignants, who neither have respect to the credit of the Parliament, nor regard to the good of the people; for they dishonour the one, and waste the other.
      All the while that the Scots were before Carlile, there was not onely a neglect, but such a malice against them, from some of the chief Leaders of the Countrey there, that they had starved for want, if the Generall had not sent a good part of the moneys that he had for the marching and taking the Field of the Army. Thus is the publike served by some of the Countrey-Committees, abusing the Authority they have from the Parliament.
      After all this, the Scots are cryed out upon by Malignants; yea, they write to the Houses against them, / p.82 / as Enemies to the publike good, to the Parliament, and to the people of England, notwithstanding that since the very first beginning of those troubles they have carried themselves faithfully, honestly, and kindly towards England, in despite of all Enemies, and particularly towards the Parliament, who were the cause of assembling it, continuing it, and preserving it, first, from the great Plot made against; next, by actively upholding it when it was very low, as it was at their in-coming.
      The reason why the Scots have put a Garison of their own men in Carlile, for a time, is from the constitution of the present affaires in both Kingdoms; for, having found such base and wicked dealing, by some of the chief men in the Northern Countreys, they did not conceive it fit, for the publike Service, to put the place in the hands of those, who already possessed with power (by some unfaithfull ones, trusted by the Parliament with the ordering of things in those places) do nothing but oppose the designe of the Parliament expressed in the Covenant, and oppresse the people, as is made known unto the Parliament by the Commissioners from those Countreys, (men of credit and worth, who have done and suffered much for the Cause against the Common Enemy) sent hither from many good people, to complain against those wicked ones, Enemies to God and to his people: And when it shall be thought fit for the Common good of both Nations, now so united, it will with all cheerfulnesse be left by the Scots ; And to this, the State of Scotland will willingly ingage it self, by all the assurances can be required in reason.
      The Common Enemy, since he could not keep out Carlile in open War, against the Parliament, doth his next best to have it in the Malignants, his Friends, hands, that at least indirectly, he may do his work; / p.83 / and since he failed of both those, he striveth by his Emissaries and Agent to make it an Apple of discord betwixt the two united Nations: but, this will faile him also, how cunningly soever he goe's about this designe; for, the Wisdom of both States is such, that the mistake will be taken away shortly, and that the State of England will see clearly, the Scots, in possessing themselves of Carlile, and excluding those wicked ones above-mentioned, have not onely done a good peece of Service to the publike and the Common Cause of both Kingdoms; but also, in particular, to the well-affected people in those parts, who are under the heavy pressure of those wicked men, and had been far more, if they had more power, whereunto the possession of Carlile were such an addition, that it would make them double Tyrants and Brigants.
      As the Common Enemy, not onely by open War by Land; but also, by false undermining by his Agents and Instruments, who partly are absolutely addicted to his wicked designe, partly by interest of preferment and benefit, although they care but little for his ends, (in the Field and in the Counsell, in the City and in the Countrey) do what they can, with all care and forecasting, to stop the publike Service by many and many wayes; this is known too well, to be so little regarded: Even so, by Sea, he steereth the same course; for, not onely by open War he doth oppose the publike Work, now in hand, in taking and destroying all that he can; but likewise, he useth indirect means by the help of his Instruments, for the hinderance of the Service of the Common Cause, now in hand.
      Hence it is that the Parliament Ships, not so vigorously opposing the Enemy, and not giving timely assistance to their Friends, interessed in the Cause; / p.84 / so many of the Enemy his Ships, without resistance, go up and down so freely, and that there are so many Ships, Barks, &c. both English and Scots, taken by the Enemies.
      Further, the Coasts of Scotland are not so carefully garded and kept, as they were promised to be, by agreement; which hath given and giveth still a great advantage to the Enemy, and hath done a great hurt to the Friends who are employed in the Cause with them against the Common Enemy, and, in them, to the Service of the Cause.
      These things have given occasion of complaints to many men, bemoaning their own condition, and how that the good of the people and the Service of the Common Cause, are no more and better looked to; yea, some in grief of heart, after their great sufferings, hardly taken notice of by those of whom they expect some redresse, say in their passion, that not onely there is a great neglect, but, in appearance, there is some secret connivence, by those who should follow this Service. But, to another businesse:
      It is known to every one, almost, how that for many and many dayes and meetings, there hath been a great deal ado in the Synod, with some few factious and phantasticall head-strong ones (men without love to the Peace of the Church of God) for the Government of the Church by Parochiall Presbyteries, subaltern to Classicall, and Classicall subaltern to Synodicall; which all being, after so many debates with Patience, Goodnesse, and Charity towards those men, demonstrated evidently to be according to the Word of God, wherein it is grounded, conform to the practice of the Church planted and governed by the Apostles and their successors, for above two hundred yeers after Christ; and conform likewise, to the best Reformed Neighbour Churches now adayes.
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      But, at length, the thing is concluded upon by the Synod, and almost approved by the Houses of Parliament, maugre all opposition made by the disturbers of the Peace of the Church, in the Synod, and of the sticklers for them any where else. Yet, those restlesse spirits will not be quiet; for, they give out, that they will perform at last the thing they have been so much urged to, and for so long a time; to wit, they will give unto the Publike the Modell of Government they would be at, and to which they will stand to: But, those who have a shrewd ghesse at those men, and at their wayes, assure us, that, as they will not tell what they absolutely and positively professe, nor what they would be at; they will never give a set Modell of Government unto the Publike, whereunto they mind to stand: For, whatsoever they do in opposition of the Government above named, they cannot agree among themselves unto any one thing, for, so many heads, so many wayes dissonant one from another, according to the nature of untruth and errour, which is uncertain, and not constant to it self. Yea, there be some who say, That these men will not settle upon any thing at all, except it be upon continuing in phrenaticall Fancies.
      Truely, as those factious ones, by rejecting all dependancy, and subalternation of inferior Presbyteries to superior, in Church-government, have acquired unto themselves the Name of Independents; so, if you cast your eyes upon the courses of those mens seeking of preferment and benefit, they may justly all be called Seekers, although there be but some few of them who go under the Name of Seekers, who would fain make the World beleeve, that they study to seek the Truth of God more then others, when God knows, they seek themselves and to set up their Fancies : For, there was never / p.86 / a generation, among men, so nimble and so active about preferment and benefit, as those men are. The Jesuites are far short of them, howsoever cryed up through the world for this; for, they run up and down with care and cunning to lay hold on power & moneys, wherein they have come to good speed by their crafty insinuations, and the sillinesse of other men: Divers of all ranks, not excepting the higher amongst men, seeing their wayes advantageous, side and cog in with them, for profit and employment. They, on the other side, receive none in their Society but those of means and gifts; poor people and simple are profane in their account: They work hugely with rich mens wives, widdows, and daughters; and stirring fellows, in any kinde, are good for them: And to carry on their businesse more smoothly, they plead for charity, that there may be a charitable interpretation of their carriage and proceeding, when God knows, they are destitute of all charity, first, towards the Church in generall, whose peace they disturbe in a high measure, and towards particular men, for they oppresse and afflict every honest man they can reach, in hatred to faithfulnesse unto the good of the Church and State, if all were well known and considered; for those who strive so much for confusion in the Church, aime at Anarchie in the State, doubtlesse. It is true, there be some well-meaning men that are insnared in the opinion of those men, concerning Church-government; but, good people, they are not of the Cabale, nor of the secret Faction; who, I doubt not, upon fuller information, will leave the errour, and follow the Truth. So, there be many honest and well-meaning people, who adhere and follow the Jesuites, who are not acquainted with the mysteries of their iniquity.
      Then, with a great deal of deceit, they cry out / p.87 / against the rigidnesse of Presbyteriall-government, as aforesaid, to make the people beleeve that it will tye them to such a strictnesse and rigidity, or austerity, that all Christian Liberty will be taken away from them. Wherein they do lye most abominably against the practice of all the Reformed Churches where this Government hath place, namely in Scotland and France, wherein if there be any thing amisse of this kinde, it is towards lenity rather then austerity.
      Yet, these men give out, that they are more holy then other men, and of a stricter life, and will not admit to their Society any who will not follow the strictnesse they professe externally; but, their carriage, being neer looked to, will be found as far distant from what they professe, as the Capuchins hypocrisie is from true piety.
      The businesse is no sooner concluded concerning the Church-government, maugre Independents, but there arise other difficulties and rubs in the way, to hinder the setling of it: Such obstacles are cast in by the Enemy, to stop the building of the Temple:
      First, Some will not allow it to be of divine right, notwithstanding it is demonstrated to have its ground in the Scripture, so clearly that it cannot be denyed, and practised by the Apostles and their successors.
      Then, There is a great stir concerning the power of the Presbytery, to admit and keep off people from the Table of the Lord; and to receive men unto the Communion of the Church, or to seclude them from it: Which power some will have to be onely in the Civill Magistrate; wherein there is a great mistake. From the beginning of the World to the giving of the Law, both functions of the spirituall Ministery concerning God and Religion, and of the civill Ministery concerning the externall Society of men, being / p.88 / in one man, to wit, in the Father, and the eldest Son in the Fathers room; things were not so clearly distinct: But then, at the giving of the Law, God in his appointed time, & in his wise dispensation, having ordained the functions of his spirituall Ministery of Church, and of the civill Ministery of State, to be in several persons, things become clear to be distinct; so, the power belonging severally to each Ministery was to be exercised distinctly by those who were set aside severally, for the several Ministeries: And as the one Minister had power over the things concerning his Ministery, so the other over his, it is clear by Scripture.
      Thus, things did continue from Moses to Christ, although now and then not without some alteration or change, by reason of the revolutions of affaires, in the State of Israel and of Judah.
      In the Christian Church, the distinct Ministeries being in distinct persons, the power belonging to the severall Ministries, must be in distinct persons, according to their Ministries; and although the civill Magistrate, or Minister of State, is not to exercise the spirituall Ministery, nor what belongeth to it; yet he is obliged to oversee the Minister of spirituall things, to do his duty faithfully and diligently. Of this, much hath been said and written in former times, and of late, by men of the clearest judgement, and of most understanding in things of this nature. Besides, the fear of men, left the spiritual Scepter and rod of Christ, should be prejudiciable to their worldly Authority, the frequent encroaching of the Ministers of the Church upon the civill Minister (to wave what is done elsewhere, and hath been in former times) here in these Islands, not onely of old, but in these latter yeers, Churches-Ministers ambition and avarice having cast us in all these troubles; doth afford just occasion of warinesse to the civill Magistrate, to keep the Mini- / p.89 / stry & power of Church-men within the precinct of the Church; but it must not be so as to make them like the trencher-Chaplain, to say a short grace & no more.
      As the Church Ministers are not to meddle with civill affaires, so the civill Ministers ought not to meddle with things meerly spirituall; such are the censures of the Church, which is commonly called the power of the keyes.
      Further, as Prelats with their Emissaries, have put Christ out of his Throne in a kinde, making themselves Lords and Masters of his Flock and Heritage; so, on the other side, those who take away the due power of the keyes from the Ministers of Christ in his Church, doth him a great deal of wrong in his spirituall Kingdom. Therefore, let us look to it, left when we have pulled down Tyranny Antichristian out of the Church, we do not leave it to confusion and Anarchie, and so to be inslaved to the Fancy and humour of weak men. But of this, let it suffice in this place.
      Moreover, as the Scots did constantly, in all their own troubles ever from the beginning to this day, lay hold upon all the occasions they could meet withall, to try if it were possible by fair means to redeem the misled King from his evil wayes, and to calm all things with the least noise or stir that could be; so it hath been their constant course here, both before and since their conjunction in action with the English in this Common Cause, to try by fair means, if the King could be prevailed with, for his own good and that of the people; and now at this time, after so many advantages obtained of late upon the adverse party, they have thought it fit to desire the Parliament to send to the King, to try him yet again, if at last he will condescend to what is fitting in reason and conscience for the setling of Church and State, as it hath been pro- / p.90 / posed unto him, with a ripe deliberation, after a serious debate, and laying aside all evil Counsell, wherewith he hath been so long misled, come home to the Parliament, the great Counsell of the Land.
      This advice of the Scots, as it is liked by the wiser and better sort of men, who have mainly the publike Service before their eyes; so, by the hotter kinde of people, who breath nothing but violence and extremity, it is cryed out upon as prejudiciable unto the Common Cause, and will give an advantage to the Enemies, since the King is not to be reclaimed by fair means, and will never yeeld to reason but upon meer necessity.
      It is but too true, I am assured, and I must confesse, there be but very small hopes of doing any good with the King, or gaining any good upon him in that way; for, besides that nothing hath been gained by all the former Messages sent to him, or by Treaties with him, the violation of the Peace made twice with the Scots, the many Plots both in Scotland and in England to undo all, the bloody businesses in Ireland, the last intercepted Letters, wherein he expresseth his mind, and the intelligence we have from all places abroad, tells us sufficiently that he will continue still in this persecuting way of Church and State, so long as he can hold out. The reason of this his perseverance in those courses, is clear to any rationall man, and it is this: There is a great designe now afoot in these Dominions, which is to bring all to spirituall and temporall slavery and thraldom, more then it was in the blindest times; which will be kept up with all might and flight, so long as is possible; and the abused King, who is the chief Agent in this businesse, will be kept to it and not suffered to give over the work, but go on so long as they who set him about it, can / p.91 / furnish him with any encouragement, by hopes, counsell, and intelligence, moneys, arms, or by any other assistances whatsoever, to keep life in the businesse.
      Now, if you will ask who be those who have set this great designe afoot, and have engaged the King in it; I will tell you, Rome, France, and Spaine: The Pope, to have all under him, at least, as formerly: The Spaniard and French, first, both in respect of the Holy Father, as Christian and Catholike Sons; then, each of the two hath his own private interest besides: The Spaniard, by the means, hopes for a number of good Friends here, (the work succeding) by reason of the Common Catholicity, and to have Ireland absolutely at his devotion, to side with him upon such occasion as he shall require; for, it is every where remarked, that the Popish of these Dominions have a double dose of Catholicon in their bellies, and to be Spanish; and as they are addicted to the tyranny of Rome over the inward man, also they are affected to the tyranny of Spaine over the outward man; so ingrate are they towards God, and so unnaturall towards their own Countrey.
      The French hath his particular interest in the work; for, since he could by no means get the King to side with him in opposing the Austrian, and to help his neerest Allies and Confederates against his and their Enemies; in spleen and revenge, hath put many Irons in the fire to give him work at home, to undo himself and his people.
      Next, The French, by the putting the King to work at home, and by keeping him to it, goe's on with his own work against the Austrian, namely in Flanders, wherein these Dominions have the most interest to look to, by reason of the neernesse and the narrow Seas.
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      Then, the French hath a further drift, who when he hath any leasure from his Wars with the Austrian, either by an accommodation, or by an absolute Victory, he may send hither a party to make the Hola, with a vengeance, little to the content of either Prince or people; yea, to seek by a strong hand that which the Norman offered to the then French King, and he refused.
      These are the shares and parts that Rome, Spaine, and France take in our troubles, howsoever they give out otherwayes: for proof of this, to lay aside many things which might be here alleadged:
      First, for Rome, I pray you, put before your eyes the constant and neer commerce the corrupt Court and the wicked Clergie have had with Rome, and have to this day, with the Letters betwixt the King and the Pope, and the sending Agents hence to Rome, and from thence hither, and a Nuntio into Ireland, who hath been received there with great pomp and state in respect to holy Rome.
      Next, for Spaine and its adherents in the Catholike Cause, to say nothing of what is past in the kindling of the fire amongst us, by several under-blowings: I pray you to consider the Residents now of Castille, Portugall, of Venice, Florence, Lorraine, &c. what their carriage is, how enclined to the Court, and how averse to the Parliament.
      As for France, The late Factotum of that Court, did acknowledge it to be one of his Master-peeces, to have kindled the fire in all these Dominions, first, in Scotland, next, in Ireland, and last, a little before his death, in England; whereabout he had above a dozen of Agents at one time, acting their several parts in this act here with us. Those who have succeeded in his place, carry on things his way very neer, namely, in what concerns us, as may appear by the / p.93 / sending into Scotland, to hinder the Scots joyning with the Parliament, and by the continuall supplies which are sent from France to the Enemies in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Residents of France, their expressions in favour of the Enemies.
      All this is done really, albeit not avouched by publike Authority.
      Notwithstanding that both Spanish and French give out, they will keep fair with the States of both Kingdoms: and indeed the commerce in some kinde is continued; but, they receive in their Sea-Towns Pyrates with the spoiles they take from both Nations, who are now confederate in this Common Cause.
      Then some others, who, at first, although they had not perhaps put their hands to cast us in those troubles; yet, seeing us enclining thereunto, have put them forward, and have given help to our miseries. Such are some of Holland, who, against the principles and grounds of their own State, have by their late Ambassadours, declared themselves to be inslaved to our corrupt Court, for their own private interests, and for the interest of him who namely set them awork.
      When I spake of Holland, Spaine, France, yea, of Rome it self, I do not mean the common people; but those who have chief hand in affaires and in Government: for, God knows, the people of those Countreys are as innocent of any evil office done unto us now, as our people were free from doing harm to the Protestants of France and Germany.
      The King of Danemark would fain have had his hand in the businesse; but he hath found other things to do.
      Yet, after all this, since we constantly pray for our / p.94 / King both in publike and in private, if it were Gods will, to reclaim him unto himself; and then that we might live a godly, sober, and quiet life under him; I sea no reason why we should not try upon all occasions to regain him, leaving the event and successe to God, as the favourable hearing of our prayers for him, to God his good will and pleasure; which, it not being declared unto us upon the point, we demand upon the condition of his good will and pleasure, and not absolutely as his & the salvation of our souls, concerning which he hath manifested his will, in his word, unto us.
      Now in this place, and at this time, I know it will be expected to have somewhat said of the present condition of Scotland: So, to discharge this duty in some measure, I give you this Discourse in few words, and as neer the truth as I can, being at such a distance, not having so full intelligence; which I pray you to take thus.
      The Common Enemy seeing himself disappointed of effectuating, to his mind, his wicked designe by his enterprises of War, and his failing Plots in Scotland; then the Scots refusing in England to serve him in this designe, as thereafter their helping the Protestants in Ireland, and last of all, their aiding England when it was very low, against his bloody Agents; finds if it had not been for the Scots, he had not had such rubs and obstacles, and so had gone more freely on with his work: Wherefore, since the Scots were in a kinde the onely hinderers of the compassing of his designe, he thinks how to be revenged of them, and to make them leave off this active opposing of him and his designe. After many things proposed and tryed to small purpose, at last it is resolved by the Court to send home the Malignant Lords, to see what they can do; who, according to order, go home, submit to the / p.95 / State, and take the Covenant. Divers other Malignants who had been lurking in and about the Countrey, do the same, and so they make all their peace. more, there were other double minded Lords, who hitherto had carried themselves so warily, albeit they were known to be disaffected, yet the Laws of the Land could not lay hold on them, receiving a favourable interpretation by the help of their Kinred, Friends, and Allies.
      At this time, a good part of the best affected men were employed abroad, either in England or in Ireland, what in action in the Field, and what in Counsell; and the military men, who had been most stirring in their own last troubles, were employed in either of these two places, and some were gone to France to serve that King in his Wars.
      The Countrey being thus emptied of men of Counsell and of businesse, as also of men of War; the Agents for the Common Enemy bethink themselves that they have fair occasion to do somewhat for the designe they in their heart affect and follow: but to go more smoothly to work, they must be employed in the Service of the Countrey, which being emptied (as is said) of honest and able men, did admit them, and was in a manner of necessity constrained to make use of them in the Counsell of State, and in divers other Assemblies, and in all Committees almost.
      This point being gained, resolution is taken to send a party of stirring men from Ireland over into Scotland: the West Islands are designed to be the onely fit place, by reason of the neernesse and easinesse of the traject; besides, those parts of the Countrey were then negligently looked to: They pitch upon a determinate fellow called Alexander Macdonald, commonly named Colekittoch from his Fathers name, (which signifieth as much as crafty Cole, or Colen) / p.96 / as being the Son who most resembleth the Father, although he hath divers other Sons. This man as an outlaw had left Scotland, and gone over to Ireland, where he joyned with the Rebels, and fought for them against the Protestants for a time; and after some dislike he leaves them, and joyns with the Scots, & bringeth some few hundreds of such men as himself with him. The Generall receives him, and he serves the Scots against the Rebels for a while: he tels the Generall, that he had a great mind to have pardon for his former errors, and make his peace with his native Countrey: the Generall undertakes it, but finds not the thing so easie to be done, and so soon, as he expected, by reason (as is given out) of the naughtinesse of the man; others say, that there was a particular spleen which stopped it. At this, Macdonald frets, and goe's back again to the Irish Rebels, who received him kindly, partly by reason of his activity, partly in regard of his neer Kinred with the Earl of Antrim. To be short, resolution being taken to send over into Scotland, and that into the Isles, choice is made of him, who having picked out, from among the Rebels, some few hundreds of desperate fellows, what native Irish, what Scots habituated in Ireland, what Islanders and highlanders of his own humour and Friends, goe's for Scotland, and lands in the West among the Isles and hills, where he finds but little, if any opposition. At his thus arrivall without any rub, divers of his old acquaintance and outlaws with him, repair unto him; so he increaseth his number: at the beginning, the busines was laught at: but, seeing the number of those lewd men increase daily, it is thought fit to look after them. He that had most interest, was in England for the time; who upon the news, goe's home, and takes Commission, with divers other Nobles and Gentlemen, to pursue the Enemy; but the pursuit was with such slack- / p.97 / nesse, that the Enemy gains daily ground, and his number increaseth.
      By this time, Montrose, who had secret correspondence with Macdonald, upon advice, goe's privatly from the North of England (where he had bestirred himself as in the South of Scotland, but had been repulsed by the English and Scots forces in those parts) with few men incognito, and joyns with Macdonald.
      The two being joyned, Montrose declares himself Generall of the party, and sheweth his Commission from the King, with many fair pretences to stand for the Scots Covenant, and to continue the Government of the Church as it is now setled, and also, to ease the people of the burthens laid upon them by some factious men, as he call'd them: This he promiseth, assisted with Papists, Atheists, forsworn men, and outlaws; which he performeth much at the rate of him who set him awork, spoiling, burning, and slaying men, women, and children; in a word, using all kinde of barbarous dealing where he could be Master; yea, divers were murthered in their beds.
      Then, those Nobles and Gentlemen who had Commission from the State of Scotland, go against the despicable Enemy, and the first rencounter was about the bridge of Jerne, where some betraying the Commission they had, run to the Enemy, other astonished fled away, and others sell their lives at the dearest rate they were able to doe: so with a few, he had the better of a great number. The Enemy had another rencounter a while thereafter, with the like, although not so great successe, by treachery also: After which his courage and number increased so, that the people began to apprehend and fear him.
      Upon this, the State sends more men to help, & thinks fit to employ an old expert Officer to command in Chief against these Rebels, who seeing greater prepa- / p.98 / ration made against them then formerly, retire to the hills, and foreseeing the Army of the Countrey could not stay altogether in one place, first for provision, and then for action, but must be divided into divers squadrons; the Enemy, from the hills, upon intelligence given him by Malignants of the Countrey and of the Army, falls now and then upon Gentlemens houses, Villages, and Towns, which he spoiles and makes a prey of, and sometimes falls upon one quarter or other of the States Forces, where he thought to find least opposition, although he found many honest men that fought most valiantly against him, and killed divers of his men, yet, by the treason of some Commander or other, for the most part, he come off with advantage; and now within these few dayes, he hath had the greatest of all with a fewer number of men. For the Enemy, before that great overthrow at Kilsyth, neer Glasgo, could never equall the Forces of the State against him, yea, he was inferior to them in number by many.
      Although God be the Lord of Hosts, and it is he who giveth wisdom and resolution for Victories; yet since men have a hand in this businesse, we cannot but enquire if the men employed in the work have done their part according to their trust and the abilities wherewith God hath inabled them.
      I know, that it is ordinary with people, (who rise little higher then to men) when there is some good successe obtained by any man, to adore him, and when things go amisse, to lay the fault upon man, yea, perhaps, upon the same man whom they had a little before adored. Of this we have examples among our selves, not to go to former times and forrain places.
      Yet here, it is too well known to our losse, that there hath been a continued evil carriage of things, by / p.99 / divers of the Officers, namely, by him that did command in Chief; and there be shrewd presumptions to guesse that there is a great deal of knavery, although I cannot tell so positively how; as,
      First, The great complaints of the expert and faithfull Commanders, who, being neerest to the Game, could see best, and judge best of fair play or foul, against the managing of the War.
      Next, The posture of the Countrey, when this vile party entred into the Land, and the entertainment it hath had since.
      Then, The correspondence the Enemy had with some of high note and employment in the Countrey-affaires, with the secret favour and connivence of others.
      Further, By the open treason of those who have run unto him, although employed against him; yea, there be who have run unto him in the Field, when they should have fought against him, as we have said before.
      More, The assurance that the Malignants had of Victory long before it came, at home in the Countrey, here in England, and beyond Sea.
      To this exigence, with the now-trouble of a barbarous Enemy and of false brethren, have honest men brought themselves to; and the poor Countrey, who had carried on their own businesse with such resolution and wisdom, and had kept so under their feet (as it were) the sons of Belial and children of falsehood and lyes, that they durst not grumble, but submit quietly, for their kindnesse to their Neighbours in England and Ireland, among whom they have dispersed themselves for their Service; and for overplus, they are payed with ingratitude, neglect, yea calumnies and affronts for their pains, by divers of those for whom they have drawn all this upon them, / p.100 / and for whom they have hazarded & many losed their lives, when they might all this while have sat at home quietly: but, they hope that the same God, who set them first about this his Work, for all this, will inable them in mercy to be stedfast to this his Cause, for which they now so much suffer, and will, at last, free them from trouble, and end the businesse to his own glory and the good of his people, in despite of all malignancy and opposition whatsoever; for, when God hath chastised his own for a time, he will throw the scourge in the fire, and shew them his great power in redeeming them from the hand of the wicked, upon whom the tempest of the Lord goe's forth, and the whirle wind that hangeth over, shall light upon the heads of the wicked and hypocrites; yea, the fierce wrath of the Lord shall not return untill he have done and performed the intent of his heart upon his Enemies and the Lord will say unto Israel, Thou People, who hast escaped the Sword, hast found Grace in the wildernesse, and I will go before thee to cause thee to rest, for I have loved thee with an everlasting Love; wherefore, with Mercy have I drawn thee, and I will make a new Covenant with thee; thou hast broken the old which I made with thee when I brought thee out of Egypt; and this shall be the new Covenant I will make with thee, I will put my Law in thine inward parts, and write it in thine heart, and thou shalt be my People, and I will be thy God. Let us therefore wait upon the Lord with patience, who will not faile in his promise, if we return unto him with true repentance for our sins, and with a serious resolution to stick constantly close unto him, with our whole heart; and already this is begun in our eyes.
      There hath been of late a great blustering of some secret under-hand dealings with the Common Enemy, by some few men, without the knowledge of the publike; of which I have thought fit to say these few / p.101 / words, in this place; and to understand the thing more at length, we shall call to mind how that the King, this last Winter, sends hither his Comissioners to cajeole, who, according to their Order, did cajeole the Scots and the Independents; and how far they prevailed then with the Independents by their cajeolerie, I cannot tell: but, I am sure, they did not gain of the Scots the least point of any thing, yea, not of any expression or thought of businesse, which could be in any kinde interpreted to have a doubtful meaning in it, not to be for the Churches & States advantage in the three Kingdoms according to the Covenant; as the Scots have made appear in their constant fair carriage, in all businesse of Church and State, maugre envie, namely in the last Treaty at Uxbridge, where they did shew really what honesty and faithfulnesse they had in their heart, as I have said before.
      The Treaty being ended without any agreement, the Court, after a time, sends one hither; for, although he gives out that he stole away, yet he came with the knowledge of the Court; and things being tryed neerly, it may happily be found that he came hither by Order expresse, with instructions; who is a great cajeolor to use the Courts own word, that is, in plain language, a meer cheater, who hath vowed to cozen those of this party, if he can, by his lyes: This cajeolor, as the former two, endeavours, first, to cajeole the Scots; and finding he had a cold coale to blow, he leaveth off the designe with them, and makes his addresses unto the Independents; but how he hath sped with them, it is not as yet fully known, things not being manifested; yet some fidling businesses there hath been betwixt him and them, whether or no by the whole Cabale, or by some few of the prime of the faction, it is unknown to the World.
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      First, That there was some under-hand-dealing by them with the Enemy, the intercepted Letters of Digby unto Leg, give a shrewd proof of it.
      Next, The Papers found since in the cajeolors friends closet, whereof some were written by his own hand, point at things not so fair.
      When these things are tryed to the full, we hope the light of all will appear, which all faithfull men with it may be done exactly and speedily: And till then, mens minds will not be satisfied, and they will hardly refrain to speak of these things, howsoever it be taken; for they conceive not onely by the opennes of the time they are freed from the thraldom of the old corrupt Court; but also, since they have interest in the businesse, and have hazarded all what they have or had for the publike Service, they may expresse their thoughts freely of occurrences, so it be with discretion, sparing mens persons, till things be fully cleared: And sincerely I think, no innocent man can be angry at this; if a [lit.] any in conscience finds himself guilty in any kinde, he will do well to suffer it patiently, for fear he suffer more, if things go exactly on to a triall.
      The light that happily may be found out of this, will not and cannot be by a mathematicall or metaphysicall demonstration, yet by so certain proofes as the condition of the thing can suffer or requires for, businesses of this nature take probable concluding Arguments for demonstration, as we are taught by the Doctors of the Politicks.
      I know some have suffered for their free expression concerning these things, yet, I am confident, it had been greater wisdom (under favour) to let go free speeches, rather then to examine them too neerly, namely, when they proceed, without malice or scurrility, from honest men, who in their zeal, perhaps, now and then, / p.103 / may exceed the exact terms of strict moderation; and this, I am perswaded, hath been the constant practice of wise men, grounded upon this: if the discourse be groundlesse, it fals of it self. If there be any ground by stirring and ripping up speeches, things will appear open, which otherways in a short time, would have been buried in oblivion, perhaps.
      I forbear instances of names as in all my discourse, keeping my self to generals, although I could have furnish'd divers examples upon every point I have touched; for, albeit it be said, He that speaks in generall of all and to all, speaks of none and to none, yet every one may make use of what is said in generall, and apply it unto himself, for the good of the publike and of himself; which I wish every one that reads this discourse, may do in all singlenesse of heart, as it is set forth by him in sincerity, who hath no other end in it, besides the glory of God, the good of Church and State, and the true advantage of every honest man, without the least wrong-meaning unto any man, but an earnest desire that every one who is right and honest in this Cause, without by-respects, may continue so till the end; and that those who have gone a wrong way, either in secret or openly, may return into the right way, to the glory of God, the advancement of this his Cause and of his people, with their own praise and benefit.
      We have heard how that the Scots, (having from Nottingham declared again, particularly unto the Parliament, their continued good intentions and readinesse to pursue the publike Work in hand, for the Glory of God and the good of his People, according to the Covenant they entred in with the Parliament) did stay some dayes there to know the pleasure of the Houses of Parl. what peece of Service they required at that time, or expected from them; and so soon as / p.104 / they were acquainted with the Parliaments desire, they did march West-ward, towards Wales, to pursue the Enemy, and to clear the Fields of him if it were possible. As they were marching through Worcestershire with all diligence, to go straight to the Enemy, the noble Committee of that County, for the Parliament, makes them (being strangers) go out of their way many miles, and make a great circuit, to the losse of time, and toiling of the Army, when they had but a very short cut. This was done by this forenamed Committee, to have their own and their Friends Villages free from one nights lodging of the Army; so dear is the publike Service unto these Committee-men, which they have so much in their mouths every where, and so little in their hearts; as appears by the actions of many of them, in the carriage of things.
      Well, the Scots having made this circuit with difficulties, go on to seek out the Enemy; but he retires from before them, and having divided the Forces he had, sends them here and there through the Hills of Wales.
      The Scots finding that the Enemy durst not appear with a body before them in the Field, and not thinking it convenient to divide their Army in parties in a hilly Countrey, where they could have no provision, and where they were little assured of any friendship, (the Countrey, for the most part, being either possessed actually by the Enemy, or inclined to his party) upon this, did judge it best to stay with their Army at the entry of that Countrey, to attend the Enemy his motions: But, when they had resolved to do so, as the onely best for the publike Service, they found murmures raised against them by malicious men, and entertained by silly ones, That they did lie heavy upon the Countrey, and did / p.105 / no work: But what work should they do? Enemy they could find none to fight withall, for he was retired from the plain Field among the Hills, as we have said; to wait upon the Enemy, was absolutely the best, till he was quite so disordered, that the Fields were free of him.
      But, to stop clamours of idle men, the Scots resolve to break their own rule and maxime, and to besiege a Town, which being resolved upon, the question was, Whether Worcester or Hereford should be besieged? after debate, they must besiege Hereford, which they go about in all earnestnesse and alacrity, with a serious intent to compasse the designe; and they are promised to be furnished with all they needed, or had want of for the Service.
      The Malignants, then, did say, that the Town had but a paper-wall, and pepper-bullets would soon beat it down: But, when the Scots drew neer it, they found the wall made of a more solid matter, and well lined within with earth, besides a large and deep ditch without; Yet, the Scots go about the businesse cheerfully, and set a regular Siege before the place, looking to be supplied with necessary things according to agreement, for the pursuance of the work, namely with provision of Victuals as was promised, and 200 l. 6 shill. per diem for the Souldiers, which was to be raised of the Neighbour-Countrey about; but they never to this day received one token, so that, for the most part, they were put to a very hard shift, for divers dayes they did see no bread, and were constrained to live upon fruits; it was a hundred pounds to a penny that they fell not all sick of this: but God had mercy of them, when they were thus neglected by their Friends. At last, there is some provision of cheese, bread, and meal, made for them: then the ammunition was small, and long acoming / p.106 / to their Army, so that they spent more time in expectation of things, then they did in the work it self; yet they go on with it, although not with such speed as they themselves wished: they caused make divers mines, which for the most part being brought to perfection, were drowned by the great raines that fell down there the space of eight dayes together.
      The Enemy, which had fled unto the hills of Wales, knowing the Scots to be so deeply in the Siege of Hereford, takes his time, and having gathered a great body of Horse together, by night and day, making a great circuit for fear of the Scots, marched towards the North, where he had many favourers, and was promised great supplies to make up a great Army; and so much the rather that the Rebels had then successe in Scotland, by the permission of God, and through the miscarriage of the Leaders of the innocent People.
      The Scots, so soon as they heard of the sudden march of the Enemy, send the most part of their Horse, under the command of David Lesley, to follow him, which he did with such activity and diligence, that he did get before him, and made him return back, against his will.
      While David Lesley, with his men, are thus carefully following the Service, rumours are raised against them, That they had left their own Army, and that none could hear of them, nor know where they were: The Pamphlets (in and about London) were stuffed with great promises from other men, when God knows, they were far away from the Enemy then, and so he had leasure to spoil Huntingdon, and to go towards Worcester; all which they must have hindered, if they had been as neer him as was given out.
      The Scots who were before Hereford, seeing the / p.107 / Enemy his coming neer them, and not having Horse enough to deal with him, send to their Friends at London, to the effect order might be speedily taken, that a thousand Horse, upon such an exigence, should be sent neer unto them, as to Glocester, or to any other convenient place, to wait upon the Enemy, and joyn with the Horse they had left with them, to oppose the Enemy, if need should be, for the going on with the work. The businesse is proposed to the Committee of both Kingdoms, where, after a great debate, some of those who had been so earnest for the Scots formerly, seeing they could not prevaile by open opposing of the thing, withdraw from the Committee, that the thing might be stopped, the number not being sufficient to conclude the businesse without them.
      So, things having failed at the Committee, it is thereafter proposed by Friends in the House of Commons; but so carried, that the Scots are disappointed, although the thing was feasable with ease, either from the Army then before Bristoll, or by Massey his Horse, (as overture was then made by some,) or by the Horse about Oxford.
      Well, the Scots must digest this pillule, howsoever bitter unto them, in regard of the hindering of the publike Service: Yet, for all this, upon the first day of September, the Scots call a Counsell of War, and in it, is resolved to storm the Town of Hereford, and orders were given out to several Regiments for the making of all things ready for a storm against the next morning. These orders are no sooner issued, but intelligence is sent to the Army, from severall Committees of the Parliament thereabout, that the Enemy was drawing towards them with a great number of Horse: By this time, notice was given them also of the great overthrow the Rebels in Scotland had / p.108 / given there to the States Forces. All these things set together, did much perplex their minds: to suffer the thing to go out of their hands as it were, about which they had taken so much pains, and were so neer a compassing their end, was displeasing; besides the idle talk of Malignants and ignorants that would be raised upon them, if they did rise from the Siege: On the other side, seeing the Enemy come so neer, with such a power of Horse, as was given out by good intelligence, who might have cut off easily all provisions from them, and so have destroyed the Army with little or small losse unto himself; (which had not been disliked here by some:) then, while the Scots were busied with the storming of the Town, the Enemy might have fallen upon them, and so have made them give over the enterprise: On the other side, they thought fit not to put things so to hazard, as the losse of such an Army, not knowing how to make it up again so soon, being far from home; and seeing that Scotland was in such a pitifull condition for the time, that it perhaps would have need of their Army. Things being thus thought on, all considerations laid aside, the conclusion was to raise the Siege, and to retire North-ward, and so was done: The businesse was so well looked to, by the Commanders, that the Enemy sallying out of the Town, upon the removall, fell upon the rear; but, had no advantage of them, yea, was constrained to retire with the losse of divers of his men, both Commanders and Souldiers.
      The Scots, at the Siege lost two gallant men of prime note, Craford, and Gordon, with lesse then a hundred of common Souldiers, by sicknesse, and by the sword: They retired having very few sick in their Army, and leaving none at all behind them, save one Gentleman, who had been wounded.
      When the Army sat down before Hereford, Sir / p.109 / William Flemin; from within the Town, sends word by writing to the General and to the Earle of Calendar his Uncle, that he would speak with them concerning businesses of moment; which they refuse him flatly, and sent hither his Letter and their answer unto him.
      Sir William Flemin is quiet for a time; and seeing he could not prevaile with the General nor with his Uncle, bethinks himself to do mischief, or, at least, to raise jealousies another way; and so he makes his addresses to two or three young Gentlemen of his own standing, and his neer cozens; which, being discovered, my young Gentlemen were called to an accompt for it, and did ingeniously confesse that they had had communication with their cozen, but without any discourse of publike businesses, as they gave out upon oath and protestation: for the present they were onely checked for their fault; but, it will not do the turn, and the full censure will not fail them more than those unruly and idle few ones, who repaired thither to the Armies from the aisle Horse of Westminster, under the name of Reformado's, as two or three others, who having left the Enemy, took service of the Scots; since nothing can heal these lewd fellows of their distempers, it is resolved to give them all a double dose of cashier, and so to purge the Army of all idle men with the first convenience, for fear of further evil from the disbauched ones.
      David Lesley being at the pursuite of the Enemy South-ward, then neer the River of Trent, receives a Letter from the Chancelor of Scotland, to acquaint him with the late disaster that was fallen out in Scotland, and to desire him to come with all diligence to relieve his own Countrey: Upon the receipt of the Letter, he thinks onely to take a party of his Company with him, and to send the rest back again unto / p.110 / the Army, then at Hereford, which he knew would have great use of them, as we have seen they had indeed: but, the whole Company cryed out like one man, that if he would not lead them all to relieve their own Countrey in such distresse, they would go of themselves: So, he resolves to haste homeward with his whole number, to the relief of his Countrey, and acquaints the Committee of both Kingdoms with it on one side, and the General also on the other side.
      David Lesley goe's home, and in few words, under God, with the help of the Forces he finds ready in the Countrey, fights the Rebels two dayes consecutives one next after another, kills many, takes many prisoners, and routs them totally; and so, by Gods Providence, changeth quite the face of affaires there, and takes away the slander that Malignants laid upon the Scots, that they would not fight in their own Countrey.
      The late disaster that the good party in Scotland had received, was written hither by divers from the place and from Berwick, with many circumstances.
      Here, many good, honest, and well-affected men, were highly moved and afflicted at it, partly for the affliction of their Brethren, partly for the event which might follow, if the then there prevailing Enemy should go on thus with successe, and so there was a Solemn Fast ordained by the Houses of Parliament, for prayers and supplications in behalf of Scotland, which was performed accordingly.
      But, divers others did laugh in their sleeves at this affliction, and were glad in their souls at it, for divers respects:
      First, The declared Malignants openly addicted to the Common Enemy, did promise unto themselves, / p.111 / if the Rebels went on this way with successe in Scotland, they would ere long come unto England, and turn all up-side down here, with the help they would find here to side with them.
      Next, All the opposers of Reformation and setling of the Church-Government, as Atheists, Prelatists, Libertines, &c. with all those who will admit no Government in the Church but what shall be setled meerly by humane municipiall constitution, without having any eye to the Word of God, the practice of the Apostles and primitive times, and the best Reformed Churches now adayes; although they be bound by the Covenant to do it; for, they did hope, by these means, to be free of the importunity of the Scots, who are the onely men (as is beleeved by those) that presse for Government of the Church.
      Then, Some prime of the Faction of Independents did leap for joy of the infortune of the Scots; for, although they knew too well, if the Scots had not stood in the gap two several times formerly with arms against the storm of the Prelaticall party, they had never durst appear, except they had changed their coat, whereunto some were resolved on, as we are given to understand, yea, to say Amen to the Letany, either in the old or in the new Service-Book, for money and preferment: Such is their zeal to purity. And although they remember very well, that if the Scots had not come in this last time, they had so carried, or miscarried things, for their by-ends of ambition and avarice, that they had not been able to go in the streets, some of them had made their accompt to go beyond Seas, having sent before them trunks well stuffed, as the history goe's: Yea, they are not onely saved from ruine by the Scots; but, by them, they have made themselves considerable.
/ p.112 /
      The Character which one giveth to a certain people, may justly be attributed unto these men, arrogant and inconstant, extream jealous of other men: sometimes they court and feast men for their own profit, and when their turn is done, they reject them, and care not more for them.
      As David Lesley was going home, it was said aloud, Why should the Scots thus deal with us, being at our sold [?] to go away without our leave upon a private Letter of a man? besides, our Commissioners from Scotland write us, that some of the chief Leaders in that Land, desire not David Lesley his coming thither; upon which advice, he is loitring idle up and down in the North, when he should be at his Service before Hereford, with the Foot-Army. Why would not the Scots make their estate known unto us sooner?
      I answer to all, ingrate that thou art, Hath not the Scots dealt fair with thee, to make thy quarrell his own, and hath undergone this great burthen under which he now grones for thy sake, to free thee from burthen? Yea, he is become, in a kinde, miserable, to put thee out of misery, a thing not to be parallell'd.
      There is an innate justice in the souls of all gallant men, to assist him who suffers for us.
      We read of one Voluminius, (Romain) who would needs die upon the body of Lucullus, because he was the occasion of Lucullus his undertaking the War. But this motion is far from these factious ingrate men.
      As for thy fold thou speaks of, Let it be known to all, It is not for thy money the Scots fight for; their souls are not so neer given, going upon other higher principles. It may be some Souldier of fortun hath got something, what by fair means, what by plundering, occasioned by thy not paying the Army: but what is this to a whole Countrey, which is exhausted of men and / p.113 / subsistance for thy sake and thy service, what in Ireland; what in England; besides, where one Souldier hath gotten any thing, there be a hundred who are in the next degree to starving for want. Then, the allowance agreed upon, is so small, that it is far short of what is necessary for the maintenance of so many Horse-men and Foot, so far off is it from profit; and withall what is promised, is so ill payed, that these seven moneths they have had but one moneths pay, which the City of London hath payed unto them.
      Therefore, it is all honest Scots desire, that things should be called to an accompt, to the end it may be seen and known where the fault lieth.
      If the Scots were able to uphold the charge of this great War on their own stock, or do things upon nothing, as they are, both in Counsell and in the Field, spending their spirits, bodies, and times, for the Service, they would be dear Brethren: Yet, I do not know, if they did not do things according to the mind of some, whether they would be so indeed. They are not fit for the intent of some men.
      The man who writ to David Lesley, is one whose wisdom and zeal to the publike Cause and Service, as time and occasions have required, hath been known these seven yeers by-past: besides, he writ by the order of the Scots Lords, then assembled at Berwick, and followed his Letter himself with instructions to that purpose from the Lords and others.
      So, under favour, your Commissioners have been mistaken in this thing, or at least misinformed, as in that which some from thence writ, that the divisions are greater in Scotland then in England; for, although among those who oppose the Common Enemy, the Union hath not been so cordiall and sincere as we could wish it had been, and there have been / p.114 / jarres, dissentions, and factions amongst some for pre-eminence, which have cost us dear: yet, there are no Schismes and Sects endured; in a word, there is no party set to oppose the setling of the Church, according to the Covenant, blessed be God.
      Then, David Lesley went straight home, without loitring in the North, to the work he was called for; and God, according to his honest hearts desire, hath blessed him in the Service wonderfully.
      And, for making known sooner the particulars of the affaires of Scotland, it had been done little good, in appearance, witnesse the cold comfort, which hath been yeeld now, when things are known surely. God in his Mercy to that poor Countrey, with his immediate hand, hath relieved it from thraldom, as taking delight in, and hearing the prayers of his people here and there for it. And, I am sure, as the wickednesse of the then raging Enemy, hath gone up before the Lord, and hath brought sudden vengeance down upon him from Heaven; so, I dare say, the ingratitude of some, without repentance, will neither be forgiven nor forgotten of God, and not onely for not giving help in time of need unto those who have crucified themselves, in a manner, for their Brethren; but also, for setting the promise of a small help, at such a rate as was offered then, will be blamed by the posterity, when it shall be recorded what Scotland hath done and undergone for their Brethren, and what thanks the Scots have for their pains.
      I leave off particulars at this time, till another occasion.
      Here let me tell you, Gentlemen, this late Victory in Scotland hath given the Common Enemy the greatest blow he hath received since the beginning of these troubles to this day, as most prejudiciable / p.115 / to his grand designe; and I hope, it will prove a fatall stroke unto it, if our sins hinder not the good Work of the Lord.
      Then the Scots forsooth in their affliction, must be called no more Brethren but Cozens, by occasion of a gybing expression in a Letter, intercepted of one who wronged himself the last Winter as far by his cajeoling as now by his gybing. But, upon this change, they are Brethren again.
      To end this, the Scots have found a great opposition in the businesse they are come about, both for Church and State, unlook'd for, from those who should side with them, and help them in the Work; then ever they did by the Prelats, in their own particular businesses.
      But, to another point, it is said, The Scots could not take Hereford, and did not fight with the Enemy, with all their skill and valour; and yet, the new Army doth such feats beyond expression, taking Towns and defeating Armies, now.
      As for fighting with the Enemy, it is not possible, except he can be found: The Scots have earnestly fought the occasion to fight, by seeking out the Enemy; but, he fled before them, and was not to be rencountred.
      As for taking of Towns, we say with us, He that hath meal and water, may make dough and bread, if he please, with a little fire; but, he that wants the said ingredients, can make none.
      It is easie for an Army, furnished to hearts desire, with all things fit for a Service, to be acting and doing: But, those who are unfurnished, must have care for provision, if they will not starve; so, wanting of bread, keeps back many generous spitits [lit.] from good actions, whereunto their inclinations lead them.
/ p.116 /
      The late Cardinal de Richelieu, the sequi-Machiavell of his dayes, brought himself into the reputation of the World, by bestowing largely and fully every thing that might conduce to the work he was about, without sparing in any measure at all; which was easie for him to do, having all what his Master had, at his disposall: this having succeeded with him, although with charge, he is cryed up, by those who knew him not throughly, to be the Genius of France, and for a miracle of nature; when God knows, he had little above the ordinary of men, except pride and ambition, accompanied with tyrannie and Atheisme. He, finding this to have prospered well with himself, then being in a high esteem, resolves to set his own Friends, Kindred, and Allies awork, to make them to be great among men; but, for fear of mischance and displeasing the world, he must likewise employ some men of great reputation and merit, which he doth; his own Friends are well furnished with all things they could desire for action, as provision and ammunition, with what they will, going to any businesse, and so did effectuate divers things. The men of great respect and vertue did miscarry, for the most part, in their undertakings, for meer want. By those means, the Cardinal his Friends were cryed up, and the men of worth were slighted.
      If there be any sech intent in those who are so carefull of one Army, and neglect in a manner (let the World guesse) I tell thee, others employed in the publike Service, do complain upon just occasion of hard usage and want, as well as the Scots.
      At this time, Bristoll is taken in again, and he that had lost it before, is admitted to his place again. The World is astonished to see him sit as Judge in Israel, who liveth but Precario, being a man / p.117 / condemned to death by an authorized Counsell of War, the Sentence not being recalled nor taken off: Whether this hath a parallell, I cannot tell; but, it is thought strange. If Rupert hath lost it more basely, let him answer for it: one fault doth not excuse another.
      It is said, The Gentleman was never put out of his place.
      Then I say, first, without any more ado, Why did he not then continue his sitting in his place?
      Next, If the House did still acknowledge him constantly for one of its members, Why did the House suffer this so a high breach of Parliament, as a Counsell of War fit for so long a time, so neer them, and so openly, upon the life and honour of one of the Members, when the least Member of the House (if there be any greater or lesser in it, after the Speaker) being put to any strait, can claim the Priviledge of Parliament?
      Yet, this was not done by the House, nor by the Gentleman, to exempt him from censure, and the House from breach of its Priviledge.
      You may say again, The Gentleman was tryed and condemned as an Officer of War, by a Martiall Court, and not as a Member of the House, and that Court is put down, and those who then sat upon the businesse in that Counsell, are cashiered for their pains, whatsoever some of the Counsell did to favour him.
      All this I grant to be possibly true: But, the Sentence then was judged to be just, and as yet hath not been judged to be otherwayes. And if the Officr of War had then suffered according to his condemnation, (which he had done, if he that then had the chief power, had not pardoned him) where would the Member of the House have been this day? Surely, in this now recruting of the House, another had been na- / p.118 / med in his lieu, in all appearance, of lesse ability and parts fit to be a Senator: For, I hear, the Gentleman hath good and rare parts for a Senate: So, his Friends, under favour, of their wisdom, in putting him upon employment whereinto nature and breeding hath not fitted him, have done great wrong to the Gentleman, and much disservice to the State: when men are put in businesses whereto their inclinations lead them not, they ordinarily work in viin [lit.], and spoil the businesses for the most part. Wherefore, every one should betake himself to that whereunto nature and his inclination hath most fitted him, if he can chuse: but, where there is a necessity, a man must do the best he can in businesses wherein he hath but small inclination, yea, perhaps, whereunto he is advers; and then he makes properly of necessity vertue.
      I know there be some noble Genies fit for all employment; but, to try and make experiment if we be able for all, in things of great weight, is dangerous, both for our self and for others. This is the generall disease of us all, that we will hunt after the vain name of capacity and ability, in things we understand not, and are not fitted for; which is more now adayes in fashion, then ever: yea, many take upon them to do the duty of an Office, wherein they have no skill, and unto which they are no wayes fitted by nature and breeding.
      Hence it is, we have so many Souldiers preaching, or rather bawling, in the Fields, and Coblers, with other fellows, in that kind, preaching or, at least, prattling in Tubs, in the Cities, against the ordinance of God for the Ministery of his Church.
      Here it may be said, The Scots have done the like, in a manner, yea worse, with some in their own Countrey, receiving men into their Society and Counsell, who were / p.119 / guilty and declared Enemies against the State; so, Veniam petimus, damusque vicissim.
      I answer, the question is not whether the Scots have done the like, or worse, in their own Countrey; but, whether or not in reason this ought to be done: Let the Scots, in Gods name, bear the blame of their own faults and errors, as well as the English, Tros italusve fuat nulle discrimine habebo. I am very sure, the Scots have payed soundly for their failing in this kinde, and so they may do still, if they mend not their error: But, after such a scourge for this fault, among others, there is hope, they will be wiser hereafter; although sero, yet serio, as the Phrigiens do, it is a sad lecture, and a dear-bought lesson they have by this experience: to fail, is a step unto wisdom, sometimes, if not unto those who have failed, at least, unto others not to fail.
      I know, the failing of Scotland, in this particular, to be one of the greatest blemishes upon that Countrey, and one of the greatest weaknesses they are inclined to.
      For, What will not the Scots do for their Friends, Kindred, and Allies? In time of calme they hazard their private estates often to ruine, for Friends; and in time of trouble, they had put the Publike too much neer ruine and totall subversion, except God had come in on a sudden to deliver it, no thanks to them, but to God, and little to any man: their kindnesse shewn unto their Kindreds, Friends, and Allies, what by a favourable interpretation of the evil carriage of their Friends, what by employing their Friends unfit in some employments, for their own or their Friends sake, hath been one of the main occasions of the great miseries they were in of late; it will do yet more mischief in the Field and in the Counsell, if they do not mend it, not onely by chastising / p.120 / the guilty according to their demerits; but, by removing the unworthy from employments.
---at this point a splattering of spiteful phlegm from a corrupt cowardly reader somewhere in the room ---
      Was it not a strange thing, that that infortunate and unhappy Leader of the State of Scotlands Forces, against the Rebels, after so many affronts received by the Enemy, and so slack pursuance of the Work by him, should be thanked publikely for his good Service, by those who made him to be employed against the will and sentiment of divers good men, yea, continued in employment to the discontent of many, till he brought things to the unhappy late disaster?
      Surely, howsoever God hath changed the scene of things in Scotland, unto the better for his people, in his Mercy, no thanks to the self-Kindred, Friends, Allies, Lovers. If those men do not seriously repent of their cruell compassions of the guilty and of self-love to their Friends, Kinred, and Allies, they will without doubt, be punished for it heavily from Heaven, and disgraced among men: and if they be not more earnest to see Judgement done upon the wicked ones, then formerly they have favoured them, vengeance is at their door. To tell me of sparing noble blood, is but a toy; all blood is alike, if it be not corrupt with evil humours: Nobility and Gentry are but civill distinctions among men, without change of blood.
      Since the beginning of those late troubles, divers have obtained the title of Nobles and Gentlemen, which they had not before, without change of their blood, I suppose.
      True Nobility consists in vertue, and not in an imaginary shew.
      This is said without disparagement of the truely noble descending of men of known vertue, & vertuous themselves: but, to respect a man for his Fathers vertue onely, he not following the foot-step of his / p.121 / Father, and to neglect a vertuous man; whosoever his Father was, is to convers with the dead, and not to live with the living.
      To be short, For men to do for their own, either for saving them from evil, or for advancing of them to good, is naturall and fit to be done; but, to do either of the two, with the damage of any other, is unjust and evil; far more with the detriment and hazard of the publike, above all, when it is ingaged in the Service of the Cause of God, for his Glory, and for the safety of our souls: For, who gave the power to take from any particular his just due, and give it to another without his consent: then how dare thou, in conscience, withdraw from the publike its just claim of the wholly, for its good, to the glory of God and benefit of his People?
      Here I must say, to the eternall praise of the wisdom of the Parliament of England, that they would never admit unto their Assembly any of those blacksiders who went to the Enemy; yea, they have punished some Delinquents of both Houses by death.
      These last dayes, I meet with a printed paper, the title whereof did shew it to be the latter part of the Letter, written and sent from Bristoll, containing a particular Relation of divers main passages of the besieging and taking in of that place. It seems strange to sundry, to see this peece of the latter not so communicated abroad unto the World, with the former part printed alone, and seen but in the hands of some few; seeing the Publike is concerned in it, as much at least as in the former part, although it hath but small affinities unto the Siege and taking in of that Town.
      Wherefore, for the Service of the Publike of Church and State, whereunto we are all obliged in our severall stations, not onely by our common / p.122 / interest, but also, by our Solemn Covenant, I have thought fit to give this peece of the Letter unto the view of the World; and so to be communicated unto all, according to the intent of the Writter thereof, which was, doubtlesse, that it shoul be as much divulged, as the other part, otherwayes he had never joyned them together to be heard and read by so many.
      The words are these, according to the Copy I have seen, and word by word conform to the Originall, as I am informed; thus following :

      Presbyterians, Independents, all have here the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same presence and answer; they agree here, know no names of difference; pity it is it should be otherwayes any where: all that beleeve have the reall Unitie, which is most glorious, because inward and spirituall, in the body and to the head; for being united in Formes, commonly called Uniformitie, every Christian will for Peace sake study and do as far as conscience will permit: and from Brethren, in things of the mind, we look for no compulsion but that of light and reason; in other things God hath put the Sword in the Parliaments hands, for the terrour of evildoers, and the praise of them that do well: if any plead exemption from it, he knows not the Gospel; if any would wring it out of your hands, or steal it from you, under what pretence soever, I hope they shall do it / p.123 / without effect; that God will maintain it in your hands, and direct you in the use thereof, is the prayer of

      Which words, before we go on any further, are remarked to be set down in such a way, that at the first, every one who reads, can scarcely reach unto the meaning of them, and it should seem to be done of purpose, rather then of confusion of notions in the Writers mind.
      It hath been the constant practice of deep men, and pretenders to depth, to write so intricatly and perplexedly, to the end that the lesse hold might be laid upon what is written.
      This hath given occasion to divers to read the words more diligently and attentively, who for the ease of the simpler, have set down these few Observations following: as,
      1. If there be no difference betwixt Presbyterians and Independents where the Writer of the Letter is, how cometh this man to discern them one from another? For, where no difference is, it is hard to discern: It may be he is of a more diving spirit then most men, and so cometh to the knowledge of things beyond others.
      2. If the Presbyterians and Independents agree so well there, how happeneth it that the Independents are so advers with fiercenesse to the Presbyterians elsewhere? The Independent cannot brook the Presbyterian in any employment almost, but he must supplant him if he can, or at least, oppose him in all he can.
      3. It is pitie there should be a rente betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent; But, whose fault is it? Hath not the Presbyterian with all meeknesse of mind and long patience, born with the Independents stri- / p.124 / ving to bring them from their extravagance, but in vain? for, the more they are born with, the worse they are, and the farther from submitting themselves to the Truth of God.
      4. If the Presbyterian (as is said) be really united with the Independent, why is he branded as profane, and not thought worthy of the holy Society of the Independents?
      5. Since there is an inward Unitie betwixt the Presbyterian & Independent, whence is it that they agree not in things of the mind, the mind, and its things being esteemed inward? This is a riddle, solve who will: then conscience is of the mind and in the mind, being a part of the mind: Yet, it suffers not the Independent to uniforme with the Presbyterian.
      6. The Writer pleads for no compulsion for things of the mind. If by the things of the mind, he means these things which remain within the mind, and go no further, and are called [greek phrase], he needs not plead, for there can be no compulsion of them: But, if he means, by things of the mind, things proceeding from the mind, called [greek phrase], they being outward, they may suffer compulsion: And if he pleads for no compulsion of these things, because they are things of the mind; he may as justly plead for no compulsion for a man, to say, write, and do what he hath in his mind.
      7. He speaks of light and reason. All the phanaticall phrenesies that ever have been broached in the Church to this day, do pretend to a degree of particular light, although it be meer darknesse. Next, The Socinians & Arminians namely plead for reason, no men so much, except our Independents: But, how their Rabbies, in the Synod, have proved their light to be clear, and their reason to be true, it is well known: no men / p.125 / ever had longer time, nor more kinde invitation, to shew their light and reason; and for all that, being convinced by the Word of God and the practice of the best Reformed Neighbour Churches, their light is proved to be darknesse, and their reason erroneous, they continue in it.
      8. Again, he sayeth, We look for no compulsion from Brethren, for things of the mind.
      Then I pray thee, Is not the Common Law of England a thing of the mind, being a part of practicall reason applyed to this Countrey? This man denieth the Parliament to have any thing to do with it; and so the Parliament, by this mans saying, hath neither to do with Church nor State, being he hath nothing to do with things of the mind, which are the onely proper things of men, above the meerly naturall and sensible creatures.
      9. He sayeth in other things, God hath put the Sword in the hands of the Parliament. Doth not this man deny all right to the Parliament, Circa sacra, or about holy things, or Religion, which are things of the mind? And consequently, he blameth the Parliament for medling, in any kinde, with the Reformation of Religion, for suppressing Popery, and rejecting Prelacy, yea, for obliging themselves by Covenant to reform the Church according to the Word of God and the best reformed Churches, and so to have made a lawfull Oath, in binding themselves to do which they ought not, and have no right to do.
      10. Is not this expression directly against the Covenant, wherein by Oath we are to maintain the doctrine, discipline, and government of the Church of Scotland, and to reform the Churches of England and Ireland, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches abroad, namely, of Scotland, and is not point-blank opposite / p.126 / to the Declaration of both Houses, made before the taking up Arms by the Parliament, wherein the defence of the true Religion is set down as a main cause? And so, it is a lye that the Parliament did not make Religion its quarell, at first.
      11. Is not this against the now proceedings of the Parliament, in the setling of the reformed Church-government, and discipline, who are so cautious that they will have the supream power over all things in their own hands, for fear of miscarriage?
      12. Is not the Uniformity, which is fought for, betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent, externall, the inward being already, by this mans words? and if externall, then the Parliament hath power over it.
      13. It seems in that Army, that the externall Uniformity is also, by this mans saying, betwixt Presbyterians and Independents; but how it stands with truth, I know not: for, we hear that some Independent Officers do preach, whereunto no Presbyterian will give his consent, far lesse will he practice it: and so, there can be no Uniformity, at least, without difference.
14. He speaketh of wringing and stealing the Sword out of the Parliaments hands: Surely, Presbyterians are so free from this, that, under God, they have put the Sword in the Parliaments hands, and have kept it in their hands; for,
      First, If the Scots Presbyterians had not stood in the gap, at first, two severall times, the Parliament had never had the Sword actually in their hands; for, if they had not been assembled, they could not have had the Sword in their hands.
      Then, If the Scots had not come in, when they came last at such a needfull time, the Sword, in all appearance, had been wrung out of the Parliaments / p.127 / hands by the open and declared Enemy. And for stealing of it out of their hands, I know none, and fear none, but those who deny them to have any power in the Church-affaires, and to be guardian of the first Table as well as of the second.
      And howsoever that the prime sticklers of the Independents have screwed themselves in the Service of the Parliament, and in employment elsewhere, to make the World beleeve they do all, and are the onely patriots, (to this purpose, they have gained the most part of the scribling Pamphletiers about the City, to set forth lyes and tales for them) also, they must be the onely men named and proned in the Churches, if they chance to be where any action is with successe, although they have but little hand in it: God knows, they are the cause of so many disturbances amongst us, and of thus universally through Cities and Countreys, blaspheming the Name of God, by so many mad and damnable heresies, violating their Solemn Oath and Covenant. For, if the Independents had not kept back the setling of the Church-government, all this evil had been stopt, and things had been carried on unanimously for the setling of the Church and State, to the Glory of God and the good of his people: But, we blesse God for the condition we are in, hoping for a better, assured as he is bringing low apace the publike Enemy, so he will pull down the underminnig [lit.] Independents, ere it be long.
      Many things more have been thought and said of this part of the Letter aforenamed, which for brevity we omit: But, in a word, it is said of it, that in these few lines the malicious Plot of factious Independents is more discovered, against Church and State, then by whatsoever hath been said or written by them to this day: and so take up the passive obedience of these men.
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      But, me thinks I hear some say, What to hold in such esteem, and speak so of those who have thus and still do venture their lives for the Common-wealth?
      I answer, If we had to do with forrain Enemies, who were to enter into these Kingdoms to invade them, and if the Independents would go on with the rest of the Countrey to resist the Enemies, we should acknowledge them to be good patriots so far: But here now, the businesse is quite other; for, we have a Civill War amongst our selves both for Religion and Liberty, which the professed and declared, yet, intestine Enemy, would subvert and spoile, if he could, by any means, and set up tyranny and superstition.
      It is true, The Independents joyn with us in this to oppose this intestine Common Enemy, in some measure, to stop his wicked designe:
      For, They stand against tyranny in both Church and State with us: but, with the intent to bring confusion in the Church, and consequently, all errours, heresies, and blasphemes, as we find now by wofull experience, to the dishonour of God and the losse of many souls, and thereafter infaillibly, to bring Anarchie in the State, whereby all kinde of disorder must needs follow; for the Church being the soul of the State, where it is not right and well settled, the State cannot be but in disorder.
      Then, Although in doctrine they with us oppose the grosse Idolatry of the Church of Rome, yet, they give way to all kind of damnable errours, albeit more subtile and not so grosse, by their liberty.
      And so, The Independents do give out, they do much for the Common-wealth. But, for Religion they say nothing: seeing they will have the Parliament to have nothing to do with it. All is for their by-ends, and setting up of their Faction against Church and / p.129 / State; witnesse all their crafty Plots and devices which are remarked by the clearest seeing men.
      More, The Independents fight with us in opposing the Common Enemy, as the Papists do with the Prelaticall party against us, that is, for their own interest, without any eye to the advancement of the publike good. But, to say no more of this now, I go to another Point.
      Within these few dayes there fell in my hands a paper, wherein was printed a Petition of number of good Citizens of London, for setling Church-government; which Petition hath been branded by some of the weekly Pamphletiers, as a thing evil and wicked against the publike good of Church and State, whereupon sundry have taken the occasion to cast their eyes, and seriously to try the truth of things.
      Wherefore I have thought fit, seeing these malicious malignant fellows speak so against the truth of the thing so bitterly, to insert it here in this place, in intent that every one may see what it is; for my part, to my mind, I have not seen any thing of this kinde fitter to be known to all, and published unto the World; but, the thing will speak for it self, whereof I furnish thee here a true Copy.

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      Humbly sheweth,
T Hat we account true Religion the life and Crown of all our Liberties and Priviledges: A pure and perfect Reformation in all choicest Ordinances, the lustre and beauty of Religion: And those persons much are honoured of their God, whom be pleaseth to employ in the promoting and accomplishing of such a Reformation. Such honour was in part cast upon our pious Predecessours, in the dayes of King Edward the sixth, and Queen Elizabeth (of happy memory,) when after the dark mid-night of Popery, the day of Reformation in Doctrine and Worship began sweetly to dawn upon this Kingdom: But divine Providence hath devolved a double honour upon this age, and therein principally upon You (Noble Senators) whom God hath wonderfully raised up, more perfectly to repaire his House in all the beauties of Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, having mightily stirred up Your spirits, heartily to resolve it, solemnly to covenant it, and really to exhibit some first fruits of it in the Directory for publike Worship, which we accept with all thankfulnesse.
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      Notwithstanding, we are not able longer to conceale from Your Honours, how extreamly our spirits are perplexed and amazed, that the great businesse of Church-Government and Discipline (whereupon the whole strife of the present Reformation will live, and whereby all Christs precious Ordinances, and in particular the Lords Supper, should be preserved from all contempt and prophanation) should to this very day remain unestablished by Your civill Sanction: For, we verily beleeve that England was never blessed with such a Parliament as You are: That an English Parliament never had such a learned, pious, and faithfull Synod, to hold forth sincerely the mind of Christ, and the Modell of Church-Government agreable to his will, as You have: That no Parliament ever had such, and so forcible engagements unto them from God, and unto God, as are upon You: And that the City of London did never so flourish, with such a conscionable and painfull Ministery, (ready to put the Government and Discipline into execution, for a Pattern and encouragement to all the Kingdom) as we have at this day. Whence then should it be, that the children being come so neer to the birth, there is yet no strength to bring forth?
      Bear with us a little in this fervour of our spirits, (it is for Religion, Reformation, and the House of our God, and we cannot hold our Peace.) What way soever we cast our eye, we cannot but see most sad fruits of the not settling of Church-Government to this day; Hence many abominable errours and damnable heresies are broached amongst us without countroule, and the precious Truths which Jesus Christ sealed with his Blood, are trampled under foot: Hence, the pure and holy Ordinances of Christ, especially of the Lords Supper, are either wofully prophaned by persons grossely ignorant and scandalous, or, uncomfortably omitted in many places, now, for a long / p.132 / time together, which should be often dispenced: hence, multitudes of unstable souls have fallen off (especially within these two or three yeers last past) into many strange Sects, maintaining most horrid and blasphemous opinions, incorporating themselves into separate Assemblies, setting up illiterate persons to be their Pastors, and managing their meetings with great boldnesse and insolency, in contempt of all Authority, to the disturbance of the City, every one doing what is right in his own eyes, and there is no course to reclaim them. Hence, unnaturall flames of division (especially about Church Government) are occasioned, in the same Kingdom, betwixt People and People; in the same City, betwixt Minister and Minister, in the same Congregation, betwixt Pastor & Flock; yea, in the same Family, betwixt Master and Servant, betwixt Parents and Children, betwixt Husband and Wives; differences in opinions breeding alienation of affection, and both breaking out into many bitter and reproachfull contentions. Hence, Orthodox Ministers and despised and discouraged in their Ministery; hopefull Plants disheartned, and deterred from the Ministery: publike Assemblies are forsaken; the pretended Preachers of new Gospels cryed up; universall toleration of all opinions and Religions pleaded for; the Sabbaths and monethly dayes of Humiliation (though backed by Your Authority) wilfully contemned; and, a wide sluce opened unto all prophanenesse and licentiousnesse. Finally, hence it comes to passe that the hearts of the truely godlie, who have so long groaned after Reformation, are overwhelmed with grief and faintings through hope deferred; our Friends in Forrain Countreys (especially our dear Brethren of Scotland) are astonished of our delays; our Enemies at home, scorn and insult over us, as given up to a spirit of giddinesse, looking at this City as a Stage of / p.133 / Schisme, Faction, and Heresy; our distempers grow more incurable, and Reformation every day more difficult and improbable; and, though our God hath rewarded our beginnings of Reformation, with his beginnings of deliverance, yet; hath he also of late manifested divers sad and remarkable tokens of his displeasure, from Heaven, against England and Scotland, both by Sword and Pestilence, because (as we justly fear) we make no more haste to compleat the Reformation, in all the desirable perfections of it, according to our Covenant, wherein (led by Your precept and example) we have religiously lifted up our hands to the most High God.
      When we consider these things, we could pour out our very souls in us: For, God is our record (and Your Honours also in part can bear us witnesse) what we have done and suffered in this concerning the Cause of God and Religion, and how we have spared neither our prayers, nor tears, nor outward estates, nor limbs, nor blood, nor our dearest lives for the publike, but, especially for the promoting of a speedy and perfect Reformation in all matters of Religion: without which, we value no worldly comforts; with which, we hope we shall fear no earthly crosses; and till this be effected, we cannot expect that God will fully blesse either You or us, with compleat deliverance.
      Wherefore, we most ardently and humbly importune this renowned Parliament, our chief hope and help, under God, in this case:
      1. That as You tender the happinesse of this miserable Church; the true prosperity of this distracted Kingdom; the timely comfort of all Your reall Freinds; the seasonable cure of all our deep distempers, before they grow remedilesse; the hastening of the Kingdoms enlargement from all his pressing distresses, and its enjoyment of all / p.134 /contrary blessings from the Lord; the exaltation of the Name of God, whose Glory is now prophaned to the dust; and, Your faithfull performing of the Covenant with the most High God; touching Refomation: You would make all possible haste forthwith to establish, by Your civill Sanction, that Government and Discipline amongst us, which Christ hath left to his Church; (a Modell whereof the Reverend Assembly of Divines, according to the wisdom given unto them, have framed, and (as we understand) already presented to Your Honours) which being established, we shall better be inabled, with greater hope and patience, to wait till the Confession of Faith, and publike Catechisme, can be finished; which must necessarily take up a far longer time then can possibly be spared from the setling of Government, without many unavoidable and desperate mischiefs. And, we beseech You to remember how the Lord hath bastened of late, to load You and us, in a short time, with his so many benefits, as the Victory at Naseby, the quick recovery of Leicester, the relief of Taunton, the surrendering of many strong holds into Your hands, as Bridgewater, Scarborough, Pontfract, Canon-from, Sherborn, and Bristoll: And what more reall expression of gratitude, for such high favours, can you render unto the Lord, then to hasten the repairing of his House, that so hastens the building up of Yours ? as You were effectually pressed at the publike Thanks giving after Naseby Field, which Sermon was by Order of both Houses of Parliament commanded to be Printed, which gives us good hope that our seconding of that now which was then preached in our ears, and took deep impression on our spirits, will be an acceptable Service unto Your Honours.
      2. That whensoever Church Government shall be settled by Your Authority amongst us, it may be esta- / p.135 / blished with such a compleat measure of power and Authority upon the Presbyteries which shall be erected in England, as may fully enable them to maintain all choicest Sacred Ordinances, especially the Holy Supper of the Lord, in their highest splendour and purity, hold forth in the Word, against all contempt, pollution, and prophanation whatsoever, by grosse ignorance or scandall, that so the Lord may be fully for You, when You shall be fully for him: the glory of this may surpasse the glory of all former Reformations: all occasion of Schisme and separation, by reason of impurity, or imperfection of Ecclesiasticall administrations, may be removed: all stumbling blocks to tender consciences may be so take out of the way, that all the Brethren (though now of different opinions) may sweetly joyn together in the Worship of God, with one heart and one soul: all our precious Ministers may be encouraged to hold on in their Stations, without being enforced to defert them: and, all gracious spirits at home, together with all our godly Friends abroad, may heartily cry, Grace, Grace:

And Your Petitioners beholding the Lord Christ triumphing thus gloriously in the utmost purity of all his Ordinances, shall never repent of what they have already done or endured, nor repine at what they may hereafter possibly do, or endure in reference to this so glorious a Work; but shall constantly triumph in the praises of our God, both for crowning our Church with such spirituall Glory, and for lifting up Your hearts, in these Sacred things, to do so worthily.

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      Now, when thou hast read this Petition, I am sure, thou canst not but say, it is written in terms full of respect, and most just in itself: Yet, the Independents seeing it crosse their ends, have, by hook and crook, dealt so cunningly by their secret underminning, that the Petition is not presented to the Houses, who, as I do hear, are about now to do, without longer delay, what is contained in the said Petition, with as much earnestlesse as if it had been tendred, although the Independents would make the Houses of Parliament beleeve that they have nothing to do with Religion, being a thing of the mind, & that freedom in Religion must be left to every one, which they call Liberty of conscience without compulsion, as if the Parliament had forgot whereunto it did oblige it self solemnly by Covenant, to wir, to endeavour the Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the Word of God and the example of the best reformed Churches, and to bring the Churches in the three Dominions to Uniformity; as also, if they had forgotten their own Declaration, which they made before they took Arms, August, 3, 1642. wherein they declare to the full, that they have taken Arms, namely, and in first place for Religion, all other things being subservient and instrumentary to it, (to use their own words.) Therefore, those who, out of a desire of a dissolute licence, apprehending censure, would keep off the Reformation intended by the Parl. must be no good men; & those are impudent lyers, who say, That the Parliaments first quarell was not for Religion, when the main drift of the Declaration is to make kown [lit.] unto the people, that the Parliament stood principally for the true Religion, and was resolved to reform it from corruption, and settle it in purity.
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      But, it will be said, It is unfit, yea scandalous to advise, by Petition, the Parliament to this duty; for, that is tacitly to accuse it to fail in performing the duty, which the Parliament intends in due time, warily, not willing to do things of such a weight without a full consideration of all inconvenients, which may ensue, left thereafter a fault be found, when it will be so easie mended.
      To all this, it is answered in very few words thus: If it be evil to remember the Parliament by way of petitioning, to perform so main a duty as the setling of the Church-Government throughout, according to our Covenant; I pray, Why hath the lowest rank and degree of people been, not onely suffered, more then once, by this same Parliament, to present their desires unto it by Petition, for amending and redressing things of lesse moment, that were then in custome and established, yea, in a manner thought binding by a Law; but, heartily welcomed, and they received a favourable answer to their demands, and so, others were invited by their example to do the same?
      Then, although this petitioning had not been in custome, since it hath been formerly thought no wayes derogatory to Majesty for to petition the Prince concerning things not onely private, but also, publike; I pray you, How cometh it to passe, that the Parliament can be in any kinde disparaged by this petitioning, coming for so weighty and so necessary a businesse?
      More, The best and wisest Magistrates that ever have been to this day; have received well the Petitions of people, for doing of right upon occasion, and yet, they have not thought it to be any prejudice to them, nor were they scandalized at it? And, do we not all petition God, who is so far from taking it ill from our hands, that he commands us to do it, and is angry when we do it not, yea, he makes us and helpeth us to do it?
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      Further, Tell me in conscience, Hath not the Parliament need, not onely to be remembred, but also, pressed in a kinde by earnest Petitions, to settle the Church whereabout it hath been so long, now above these four yeers: and so much the more, that some dare say and write unto them, that it is not their businesse, howsoever they make the contrary manifest?
      But, it is replyed, The Parliament is resolved to do it in a prudentiall way, and in due time.
      Surely, we are all perswaded that the Parliament is resolved to do it, since they have sworn it so solemnly, and since they declared to have taken Arms for the preservation of true Religion; the prudentiall way is good every where, and, almost, at all times. Yet, give me leave to say, where there is most humane prudence, there is least divine wisdom, such is the weaknesse of infirm men; (although there should be most the former being subservient to the other, namely, in things of the Church) for, by humane prudence, the Church hath formerly been brought to thraldom, justly odious and grievous to all.
      Let us therefore look to it, that we bring it not unto confusion, when we free it from thraldom by our humane prudence.
      As for the due time, Surely, the time is more then due, after so many delays and procrastinations, and, although there had been no time omitted to settle the Church, yet it cannot be a fault to sollicite the Parliament thereunto by Petition; for, we deal so with God, whom, although we know that he will do what we need and what he would have in due time, yet, we petition him to hasten it, which he is well pleased with.
      But, it is said, We must not hasten too much for fear of offending our Friends, and those who have been usefull to us, and are to this day.
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      It is a pitifull case, that the fear of offending our Friends doth hinder us to go on with the work of God, & that our Friends should be hinderance in it: but, since our Friends could not hinder us to take the Covenant solemnly, for this purpose namely, nor promise this duty by Declaration from the beginning; why should they thus prevaile with us, to stop us, I pray you, to perform what we have vowed? Besides, they can be no good Friends to us, who hinder us to perform our lawfull Vow to God: and, if we neglect the Service of God, or be slack in performing it, what can we expect of him unto whose Service we prefer the will of men?
      Then, let those who are in Authority consider, what aveileth us, to have a sore or evil repressed or taken away, if another as bad, if not worse, come in its place: For example, What benefit is there, to have the Prelaticall tyranny with their superstition, and the Idolatry of Rome, stopped and put away from among us, if on the other side, we fall in disorder and confusion, and in lieu of superstition and Idolatry, we cast our selves into damnable heresies, errours, and extravagancies, almost without number, which by the not setling the Church do now so spred amongst us, unto the scandall of all honest and well-affected to the good of the Church, both at home and abroad, and more to the hazard of losing of so many souls, which are now led away with errours by strong delusion, from God, and, most of all, to the dishonour of the holy Name of God, which is blasphemed by these heresies?
      Let those in Authority then, in the name of God, go on with an hearty resolution to end this Work hastily, and let it not be imputed to their proper weaknesse, since, being free of all opposition by the open and Common Enemy, they are now able enough to / p.140 / compasse the Work they have been so long about.
      Now, I hear, there is exception taken that it should be said, The Scots are astonished.
      I tell thee in all assurance, that the Scots are not onely astonished and amazed at the long putting off from day to day, of the setling of the Church, by so many tedious lets and obstacles, cast in by some who are no Friends to a through and full Reformation: but also, the Scots are grieved at it in their hearts, yea, they give many a sigh and grone for it.
      Formerly it was given out, The onely let would be among those of higher rank; who had so much a Bishop in them, and they were so addicted to the Service-Book, they would never be brought to mind a true Reformation.
      But, that apprehension is taken away, blessed be God; for those of higher rank are as willing to settle the Church as can be required of them: and for those of inferior degree, I am perswaded they are so well affected, for the most part, as can be desired. So, the businesse sticketh in a very few, partly by the liberty that some would have to do what they list, without any ecclesiasticall check, partly by the phancy of some others, who would have their empty dreams afoot, in lieu of the reall Truth, and, by some others who would be all in all, in Church and State.
      But, I am perswaded, that the same God who hath brought so low, and under, the open and declared opposition of Papists and Prelatists, with their adherents, that it cannot now stop the setling of the Reformation amongst us: So, God will, in his appointed time, and we hope ere it be long, take away all intestine and underminning hinderance, in despite of the malice of vain men; for, what is of God, must subsist, and all other work must of necessity fall to the ground.
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      Within these few days, there hath been a murmuring by some who have no cause to say so, That the Scots, by their marching North-ward, have wronged the publike Service: and have made a buzzing of this among the simpler sort of people, wherein they shew first their malice against those who have done; and are willing to do what they can for their good, and for the pursuing of the Service in hand: The Common Enemy seeing the declining of the season, promiseth unto himself to make a Winter-work of it, if he can, & divide us in the interim, if it were possible, one Nation from another: But, with Gods help, he shall not prevaile; for, I hope God will give us more grace and wisdom, notwithstanding the malice of men. And I am sure, at least, the calumnies and reproach raised against the Scots, will fall upon the heads of the inventers and contrivers of them. As for the faults of particular men among the Scots, in Gods name, let them answer for thmselves [lit.], and receive praise and blame accordingly.
      I am sure, I say again, the Scottish Nation is earnest, faithfull, and constant to the Cause of God and of his People, according to promise and Covenant.
      But, before I conclude, I will say this in truth, There was never a People in any age, who, by Gods blessing, did carry on the work of Reformation with more wisdom, and resolution, and successe, then the Scots did in their own Countrey, nor more compassionate of their Neighbours in distresse, nor more forward to help them by action and counsell, and to carry on the work of Reformation amongst them, then the Scots have been and are to this hour towards their Brethren in England and Ireland: So, there was never a People so harshly used in divers kindes, by some of those for whose good they have been and are so earneste. If this course usage went no further then / p.142 / their own persons, means, and reputation, they could passe it with silence, and not so much as think of it, laying it aside in Christian charity and brotherly love, although they suffer much in all these by it, since they have joyned with their Neighbours to help them: But, since, by the neglecting, opposing, and in a word ill-dealing with the Scots, the Service and work they are about is wronged, stopped, and delayed, which is mainly and namely to help the setting forward the Reformation of the Church of God, with the just Liberty of the People, as it is expressed in the Nationall Covenant; they cannot but take it heavily to heart for the Name of Gods sake. Surely those ingrate ones, who have used, and, at this time, use thus their Brethren, who have ventured, yea, lost themselves in a manner, with all what is dear unto men, for their sake, and to do them a double good, that is, to help them out of trouble, and to settle a true and through Reformation amongst them; have much to answer, not onely for their malice, unthankfulnesse, and ingratitude to those who have spent themselves for them; but also, for their stopping and hindering, so far as in them lieth, the good work of God, and by that means give occasion of the continuance of these miseries wherein we are all now involved, and almost overwhelmed. God forgive these men, and turn them truely unto him, if it be his will; otherwise let them have no power to hinder his good Cause.
      And thus, good Reader, I have thought fit to give a little touch of divers main passages of these our troublesome businesses, leaving a fuller Discourse of things to another time and another place.